“LVV and LDK face only one alternative: making this country normal or leaving it the way it is,” writes publicist Veton Surroi in an opinion piece published in Koha Ditore today.
Surroi says that an unusual day dawned in Kosovo on Monday, a day after early parliamentary elections: “This day had something more than what an ordinary political rotation produces, where an until-then opposition beats the ruling parties. This something more is called hope, a special feeling which Kosovars felt in big historic turning points; something in (near or distant) resemblance to liberation from Serbia and something in (near or distant) resemblance to declaration of country’s independence.”
In Kosovo half of electorate votes were won by two parties – Vetevendosje Movement (LVV) and the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) – that, “conditionally speaking, are modern compared to parties that were part of a para-modern, conditionally speaking feudal, system of state’s capture,” Surroi writes adding that LVV’s victory and that of the new leadership within the LDK in particular was an expression of the critical mass in the society against those that have ‘captured’ Kosovo.
Surroi says that LVV and LDK will have one, not an easy task ahead which in essence is: “What will the change be in our society, how deep and how wide? Or, what will the change be called?”
He says this change would have to be a type of liberation and both LVV and LDK have in this sense an historic advantage which they would have to make use of “because they were put at the helm of a movement which managed to win without international intervention and demonstrations and by running against a deep and broad criminal-political network”. “LVV and LDK’s victory could be an excellent victory of democracy,” he declares.
LVV and LDK, according to Surroi, have another advantage in that they represent a political movement that corresponds to European contemporaries: LVV as being a centre-left social democratic party and LDK as being centre-right conservative. “And if LVV and LDK are parties that today are easily identifiable as normal – should this not be their objective for Kosovo to be a normal country, a country with public education and healthcare, a system of health insurance and other such normal things that meet the need of the citizens? In other words, why should this change not be called normality?”
Surroi recognises however that Kosovo is unlike the rest of Europe. “This is a country with a still unfinished conflict with Serbia which in peace time is lasting for twenty years. The achievement of a peace agreement with Serbia would create ‘outside walls’ of a normality and this is an objective that is achievable. It is even more likely to be achieved if instead of people implicated in different levels of organised crime, Kosovo is represented by a government of ‘corresponding normality’, by those able to communicate within a cultural and political European context.”