Publicist and former publisher of Koha Ditore, Veton Surroi, writes in an opinion piece that while the Bermuda Triangle serves as a synonym for a mystery, in Kosovo there is a similar type of a triangle between the leader of Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) Hashim Thaci, President of Kosovo Atifete Jahjaga, and President of Constitutional Court Enver Hasani. The Kosovo triangle, adds Surroi, possesses all necessary features of the Bermuda Triangle – capacity to create losses and its banality. Thaci leads the triangle in all aspects. When a post-election coalition was reached with sufficient numbers for forming a government, Thaci resorted to one of his fundamental postulates of political philosophy – that of usurpation. Just as the proponents of this philosophy usurped apartments and homes of feeing Serbs after June 1999, in the same way Thaci has captured the power. “Hashim Thaci considers the Power as a usurped apartment which, in an inability to keep for himself, will trade it off”, writes Surroi. Hence, Thaci’s insistence that there can be no solution without an agreement with PDK.  The second part of the “triangle of banality” is someone who has undergone a dramatic evolution in the last six months. “Up until June elections, she managed to create some type of balance: the less she spoke, the more respect she would get”, writes Surroi referring to President Atifete Jahjaga. He further says that after June elections, Jahjaga had two options: to either play the role of the president by supporting the parliamentary majority or turn into an advocacy office for Thaci and address the Constitutional Court with questions like “Tell me what to think”. She is now attempting to bring political leaders in a roundtable, a role normally played by the OSCE in problematic countries, and leave it to them to come up with a solution. The third part of the Kosovo triangle, according to Surroi, is the President of Constitutional Court Enver Hasani whose court will go down in history not only for an extreme unserious creativity in its rulings but also for such a restrictive reading of the Constitution of Kosovo. It has become an established practice to balance criticism and blame all parties for the failure to form the assembly and the government but how can the representatives of the majority of votes receive the same amount of blame as those how have captured Kosovo institutions, asks Surroi. “It seems unfair. Five months are not that long to forget how Kosovo reached this point”, he concludes.