Albanian Language Media:

• Kurti: We are working day and night to reach coalition with LDK (Klan Kosova/Kallxo)
• S. Ambassador Philip Kosnett’s interview with Jeta Xharra 
• Kosovo can enter a blockade if LVV refuses to propose a name for Assembly Speaker (Express)

Serbian Language Media:

• ''No one has the right to tell a family to stop hoping their member will be found'' (RTV KiM)
• Where did Kosovo get from thousands of pages of documents about war crimes? (FRE, Radio KIM)
• Ombudsman launches investigation into excessive use of force against villagers protesting the construction of MHE in Strpce (KoSSev)
• Rakic: Fake indictments against Serbs published in Albanian media (TV Most)

International:

• Opening new Chapter with Serbia was mostly a message of good will to the region (EWB)
• If Kosovo, Albania & Macedonia are considered for EU membership, why not independent Scotland & Catalonia? – Puigdemont (Russia Today)

Humanitarian/Development:

• Kosnett: ‘I eat this air with a fork like everybody else’ (Prishtina Insight)
• 99 underage mothers during 2019 (Klan)

 

 

Albanian Language Media

 

Kurti: We are working day and night to reach coalition with LDK (Klan Kosova/Kallxo)

Leader of the Vetevendosje Movement (LVV) Albin Kurti said there are ongoing efforts to reach a coalition agreement with the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK).

Speaking to reporters after completing his registration as a Kosovo MP, Kurti did not confirm whether a meeting with LDK leader Isa Mustafa is expected today but did say they agreed to remain in constant contact. 

"We are trying every day, day and night, through regular communications to come to a final agreement on the new governing coalition as soon as possible," he said. 

U.S. Ambassador Philip Kosnett’s interview with Jeta Xharra 

Mr. Kosnett, thanks for being on Jeta ne Kosove. Is partition dead? 

Jeta, it’s a great pleasure to be here, and let me start by explaining the American position on border adjustment between Kosovo and Serbia, because I think that our position has frequently been misunderstood. U.S. administration’s view is that the governments of Kosovo and Serbia should negotiate without preconditions, that they should be free to talk about whatever they want to talk about at the negotiating table.  We have said that if Kosovo and Serbia negotiate a comprehensive settlement that includes an adjustment to borders – we would not reject that out of hand. But it’s important for your viewers to know the U.S. Government has never actively encouraged an adjustment of borders, partition as some have called it. We’ve also said that any agreement between Kosovo and Serbia has to be acceptable not just to a few politicians, but to the people of both countries.  It is pretty clear to me that there is very little appetite in Kosovo in any community, for partition as you refer to it. Even in the minority communities I don’t see strong support for it, and certainly in the majority community there’s almost no support for it. So, in that sense, I think, under current conditions, speaking of partition is – that’s old news, that’s history. 

I know, and it’s an old news question, but I wanted to hear you and to be clear about it, because there’s been so many, let’s say misinterpretations, or different interpretations. So, let’s go to the next question, why does the U.S. have two envoys for this part of the world? Can you explain that to the people? 

Yes, the fact that the White House and the State Department both have a special envoy for this region is a sign of this administration’s strong commitment, strong desire to encourage peace, justice and prosperity for Kosovo and its neighbors. The fact is it’s not that unusual for the White House and the State Department both to have people who are working on an issue. Matt Palmer is the State Department’s Special Representative for the Western Balkans, he has a rather broad mandate.  Ambassador Rick Grenell, Ambassador to Germany, has been named as the Special Presidential Envoy for Kosovo-Serbia Negotiations – a very specific task. The two of them work together very closely, just as they work together with the teams of the U.S. Embassy here and in Belgrade. 

OK, I have a very basic question, can you define, summarize, what is the national interest of foreign policy of the U.S. in Kosovo? How would you define it? 

We have three strategic goals for Kosovo. These are American goals, but I think these are goals that are shared by the people of Kosovo. Peace – justice – prosperity. Let me explain what I mean by that: when we talk about Peace, we are talking about better relations between Kosovo and Serbia but also Kosovo and all of its neighbors. But we’re also talking, Jeta, about better relations among the communities here in Kosovo—that’s peace.  Justice, naturally a big part of that is anti-corruption, which was so central in the election in October. But we have a broader definition of justice that means Kosovo should become a country where every citizen feels that they have a stake in country’s future. Everyone is equal under the law and respected, regardless of their community affiliation, their gender, their sexual orientation – this should be a country where everybody is equal, and where the legal system works for everybody.

Finally, prosperity – when I – this is my second tour in Kosovo. I was here in 2003 and when I came back there were many things I saw that were different, that were better, and there are other things that hadn’t changed that much. One thing that really impressed me was the new generation of young entrepreneurs, highly educated, energetic, multi-lingual, who could be successful anywhere in the world. And they are trying to create an entrepreneurial economy here in Kosovo. So, when we talk about prosperity, we are talking about economic development that relies on unleashing the abilities of the people of Kosovo and also attracting foreign investment. We think both of those dimensions are important.

You mentioned justice and I’ve seen your statements on anti-corruption but now I want to know how – basically, how harsh will you be on this and is there a red line.  I want to pose a specific questions: one of the most controversial deals right now is the financial transaction of about 30 million euros, to Bechtel-Enka, in the name of a debt that supposedly Kosova owed to this company – I know this contract has not been inaugurated under your watch, but I want your opinion.  What if the criminal investigation, which is currently open by our prosecution, reveals that the outgoing governments were in collusion with the contractor to siphon funds from Kosovo budget to individuals. My question is: will you stay silent or will you pick up the phone and say don’t go that far? 

This is probably not the first time in this interview that I am going to say Jeta, that’s hypothetical question and it’s difficult for me to answer hypothetical questions. But let me say this, I think that the American Embassy, the American Government has been quite frank and quite open in the past year in calling out corruption when we see it. Sometimes that means naming names, sometimes it means talking about the problems of corruption in institutions or in procedures.  I can guarantee you this – that when you see a tweet, a social media posting from our Embassy laying down our position on a matter of justice—you can assume that there have been some private discussions first. As much as possible I am happy to try to resolve issues privately with people in government, with other stakeholders, before we start calling out publicly about it. 

But, in many ways it is your job as Ambassador to vouch for American business – on this occasion, an American business is being investigated – American-Turkish company, and I want to know sometimes tweets – your tweets—are very helpful but there are times like these that maybe you should hold back. My question is: will you just stand back? 

Again, hypothetical. I will say this, it is any Ambassador’s job to encourage trade and investment opportunities for companies from their countries. So a big part of my job here is to support American investment, to work with American companies to identify opportunities in Kosovo, to the benefit of both sides. I think that people in Kosovo want to see more foreign investment. So, foreign investment, American business activity in Kosovo is a positive thing. 

This is our investment. Our taxpayers’ money is paying this contractor. And if this contractor says, well they own me money for my machines not working, is it your job to go and get the money from the taxpayers. 

First, let’s define investment. Investment can also mean expertise—ability.  Infrastructure projects are meant to be helpful to the country to spur economic development, that’s speaking broadly. On the specifics of the Bechtel-Enka contract, I mean I’ll come back to my earlier point, I am not going to address hypotheticals about the possible outcome of court cases…

…you’re not but we are getting the most expensive highways built in this country. This is not me saying it, it’s experts saying it. It was an article in Foreign Policy saying that we have the most expensive highways built by these experts. 

They are expensive but there is a reason for that. It was an extraordinary engineering feat to be able to build the highway to Skopje. I am sure you’ve driven on it by now—it’s very impressive. So there are reasons why it’s more expensive to build a highway through mountains than in the desert, for example. 

We found out recently that in Serbia, they built the same road – same company is building but much cheaper. What would you say to Kosovars who have seen the prices in Serbia and here? 

First of all, I’d say that every project is different. So, I think you can’t make these assumptions without knowing the details. Second, I think you should talk to Bechtel and talk to the ministries here. Talk to the ministries and find out what happened. 

Oh, because we’ve been talking, they are under investigation over this debt.  We’ll go on to next topic, the next government. I am interested to know about the relations with the next government. This government will form at any time, presumably, but I want to ask whether you expect disagreements with Kurti’s government and I’m actually interested in if there are disagreements, we expect, like people, you may have disagreements in the future. How will you act when these disagreements appear? 

Disagreements with the next government? 

Yes. 

I think it’s natural to expect disagreements between governments—I think that’s the point you’re making.  The United States has very close relations with Kosovo. I expect that to continue far into the future. Of course, that doesn’t mean that there won’t be policy disagreements between the two governments. That’s natural, right? So, we’ll do what we do with all of our friends. We’ll talk about these differences, we’ll try to narrow the gaps, we’ll try to make clear why we think it’s necessary or desirable for Kosovo to do certain things and I expect the Government of Kosovo will have its counterarguments, and most of the time we’ll agree. I say that because I think that the key goals that the United States has for Kosovo are the same goals that the people of Kosovo have. I think that the election on October 6 was very exciting, it is a very exciting moment for Kosovo.  It showed that people want change, that they want an economic future for their country and they are not satisfied with the progress in that direction. They care about corruption, they want to build a future. Of course, we want the same thing. 

I agree in general terms that you want the same things, but it’s about priority and since you opened this – you mentioned peace is the first priority of the United States. For us it’s justice, actually.  For the majority of people watching you tonight it’s justice because we are twenty years since the end of the war. So, what would you say to those people who think, well, rather than dialogue, getting my health in order, my rule of law, my school in order, is something that Kurti government should have as first priority rather than pleasing the internationals with the peace deal? 

First of all, I don’t think that these three goals, peace, justice, prosperity, are prioritized…one, two and three.  I think that the government has to work on all three fronts. When Bill Clinton became President of the United States, there is a famous story that his staff said in our first four years in office we are going to fix all America’s problems at home, and then on our second term we’ll worry about the world.  It doesn’t work that way. We completely understand the election in most people’s minds was primarily about economic opportunity and about justice. We respect that and those things are of critical importance for Kosovo. But, we don’t think that you can just delay international relations. So, we believe, and I am sure we’ll talk about this more, that improving relations with the neighbors is going to create economic opportunities for the people of Kosovo. 

If there was one advice, hypothetically, as you said I have hypothetical questions, if you were advisor to Albin Kurti, hypothetically, what would your one advice be? 

I think that Albin Kurti knows that he has to convince the people of Kosovo that he intends to be the Prime Minister of all the people of Kosovo. I have said this before, he knows that people didn’t vote for him to become Prime Minister of the “Republic of North Albania.”  I’ve met many times with Mr. Kurti, I think that he fully intends to be the sort of leader who thinks about the needs of everybody in the country. I think it’s time for him to start showing that. He needs to get out there. I mean, Mr. Kurti if you are watching, you need to start travelling around the country and meeting with people from all sorts of communities and not just political leaders. 

He would say I walk all the time, I walked throughout elections. I am with people all the time. Wouldn’t he say this to you’? 

I’d say, keep it up. But, don’t just talk to political leaders. Talk to ordinary citizens. You know Jeta, last night I was watching the interview you did with Greg Delawie, a year ago, right before he left – I did my homework.  And you asked Greg what advice he would give his successor. And the most important thing that Greg said was get out of Pristina, talk to ordinary people around the country, understand their concerns. I think that’s important for diplomats, it’s also important for political leaders. 

Now, I want to also ask you about – when I asked you about disagreements – how would you resolve disagreements? We except you will not agree with the future government but, even – funny thing is that governments we expect you to agree on, like the former ones, ended up being punished by you, because of hundred percent tax, the tariff, that U.S.A. put on Kosovo government officials.  So I want to now ask and probe this question, will you lift the tariff, depends, the tariff will be lifted by Kosovo government, will U.S.A. lift the conditions to Kosovo government officials, now with the next government? 

First of all, I disagree with the premise of your question, that we have punished Kosovo in some way. Let’s take a moment to remind everybody about the fundamentals of the relationship between the United States and Kosovo. The United States intervened along with our NATO allies here, twenty years ago to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe. And, I think most citizens of Kosovo would say that the United States has continued to play a critical role in building Kosovo’s security. (Xharra: Nobody disputes that.) Nobody disputes that.  Our role in supporting the development of the Kosovo Security Force is very important. 

Agreed, but some – I was in the United States and I found out that some officials–were disinvited in conferences, in trainings, because of the hundred percent tax. My question to you is – just because a leader does something crazy, for example: if Trump does something crazy, does it mean that the rest of the world should punish the American people because he did something crazy? Why should the people be punished with visas, with access, with training, for the decision of the leader? 

Because the people are not being punished. Have we restricted visas to the citizens of Kosovo? No, we have not. In fact, one of most exciting moments for me this last year, was on July 4th when we dedicated our new Embassy, which I think is an important symbol—a physical symbol of America’s commitment to Kosovo.  One result of that is people don’t have to go to Skopje anymore to apply for visas, we are open for business every day, accepting visa applications in Kosovo. 

Kosovo officials have not been disinvited, you say, because of this tax? 

There are – I am saying that they may have been individuals who were disinvited to this or that conference, because there were people that we thought – there were people from other countries that had more to contribute to that particular conference. Let me make this point: we’ve also said, and I think this is something that is important for your viewers to understand, that when we look at visa applications from government officials, we look very hard now at information about corruption, about illegal activity.  People in government who engage in illegal activity, who are under indictment, should not assume that we will not take that into account when we look at their visa applications. We are looking at that, case by case, at individuals. Last point, I think this is important: the United States continues to provide a great deal of economic assistance to Kosovo—that has not changed in the past year. The economic assistance that American agencies provide—USAID, the State Department, the Justice Department, the Defense Department, the Millennium Challenge Corporation—it’s not just packets of money to friends. These are all programs aimed at helping Kosovo build a more self-reliant, self-sufficient economy. 

I must say, the standard you just gave that you look at politicians whether they are involved into something is not the standard you are applying with Hashim Thaci, the President. Because, he was mentioned in Dick Marty’s report, there is a special court investigating that. It’s not like you are not considering him as a key player, despite the fact that our Constitution—the Prime Minister leads the dialogue. You are still dealing with the President, far more than with the former President Atifete Jahjaga. She was not the leader of the dialogue while with Hashim Thaci, you are sort of – is the player that is being put forward by the United States, as well. 

Once again, I don’t really accept the premise of your question that we are somehow only paying attention to President Thaci or putting him forward.  I think that it is certainly true that President Thaci has taken on a role vis-à-vis President Vucic in trying to find a way forward in the relationship between two countries. I think that it will be very important for the new government to play its appropriate role. You remember when the Haradinaj government created a negotiating team drawing on people from a number of parties. That effort kind of fizzled out (Jeta Xharra:…we saw how it didn’t work….), but I think it was important that they made the effort to listen to voices from different parties, also from stakeholders outside of government. And when they did that, Jeta, I said it would be very important for them not just to throw away whatever constructive work President Thaci might have done. They should build on it, that he should be part of the process, or… 

…or the destructive role, opening the partition debate. Constructive and destructive, should that be followed? 

I think that there is no…and not everyone is going to agree on this…but I think that there are no issues that are too dangerous to talk about.  I think that we can see that today where there are people, because of the developments in last twenty-four hours, saying we can’t trust those people, how can we talk to them, how can we have a dialogue with those people. 

One thing our viewers would ask when you said you look at what politicians are saying and what’s their background. They would say how come you are not stopping visas for officials in Serbia that have – that dispute the facts on what happened during the war. Recently Mr. Vucic said that there was a fake massacre of Racak, that never happened. So, many people — he said these are fabricated facts. So, many people think you go harsh on Kosovars when they make a mistake, you don’t dare do the same to Vucic. 

Well, I don’t see us cancelling visas or withholding visas to people in this country because of things that they say. But, let’s talk about this because this is a very important issue and it has many dimensions. First of all, the Racak massacre is a historic fact. There is no doubt in my mind. There were many independent observers, – journalists, William Walker – who have demonstrated that it was a horrific massacre.  And it’s true. So, for anyone to deny it—simply the wrong thing to do. It’s historical revisionism, it’s unhelpful. I could use other adjectives, but I’ll stop there. 

Let’s say Bytyqi brothers, is a case United States has so much pushed with the institutions in Serbia. Have any visas been denied because they didn’t catch the killers of Bytyqi brothers. 

I don’t know the answer to that. I am not the Ambassador to Serbia, so I honestly don’t know. But can we talk about this some more, because it’s important.  Historical revisionism is wrong, it’s dangerous. But, as an American, I have to say that we also are very cautious about criminalizing speech. Under American law, we give great leeway to people to speak. Even if it’s wrong, even if it’s offensive, even if it’s insulting.  We think that there should be a very high – under American law, I am talking about United States now—there should be a very high threshold to criminalize speech. The classic example is creating imminent danger by yelling fire, when there is no fire, in a crowded theater. I think it is fair to ask, and people are asking, if the courts in Kosovo, if the judicial system in Kosovo, is going to be systematic and fair in what sort of speech is criminalized. Because, there are a lot of people from the majority community who have made inflammatory statements over the year, who didn’t find themselves charged with crimes. So, I think it is a legitimate question to ask. 

Over the years but recently when you want this peace deal Kosovars are not going around and saying Serbs were never killed in the war, either. Kosovars are not going there and saying things like Mr. Vucic said even a year ago here, that Milosevic’s policy was good but just unsuccessful. If you want the peace deal how do you tell Kosovars, go and make a peace deal with the leader that denies facts? 

If you want a peace deal, you sit down and you talk to your adversaries. Jeta, I have seen in the past day or so, people saying I am not going to talk to those guys – they’re unreasonable, they’re this and that. 

Oh yeah, we are talking to them. Mr. Thaci is talking to Mr. Vucic. So, it’s not like it’s not happening. 

It is important, I really think it’s important for your listeners to hear this, whether they all are going to agree or not, you don’t make progress by talking just to your friends. You make progress by talking to your adversaries, you counter lies with the truth. 

Mr. Kosnett, Kosovars are talking since 2011, not only talking—signing agreements with Serbia which are not being implemented. So, you cannot tell Kosovars, you are not talking. Kosovars are talking but not getting anywhere.  We’ve got very little time left. I want to go for final questions. As we speak today, this week, and last week there was a climate change conference taking place in Spain, it’s a post-Paris climate change agreement. U.S. President has boycotted this conference, but Nancy Pelosi, the head of Congress, is attending with a delegation to show U.S. commitment to Paris agreement.  Now, I can see that U.S. policy is divided on this. I’m interested more in Philip Kosnett’s opinion—where your heart lies on climate change debate. Basically, do you think like the rest of the world, that we have a challenge ahead of us, or do you think that these scientific arguments are really fake news? 

I think that we have a real challenge ahead of us.  There are a lot of legitimate questions about what are the best steps—what are the next steps ahead.  One area where this is relevant to Kosovo—climate change is relevant to every country because the climate doesn’t respect borders—is energy policy for Kosovo. 

You support the coal plant and coal is bad for the environment. 

Let me give you more than a yes or no answer to that, because that’s a great question that deserves a serious answer.  I live in Pristina like everybody else. I live near Obiliq. I wake up every morning and eat this air with a fork, like everybody else.  I think we all know that the current state of Kosovo’s energy infrastructure is unacceptable. There need to be solutions. Now, it’s the position of the U.S. government that Kosovo needs affordable, sustainable energy that also will address the public health problem that we have now. Renewables certainly have to be an important part of that.  Particularly, I think, solar and wind power, and there are American companies that have been involved in that and can be involved in that in the future. I also think that it is worthwhile to look at increasing the use of natural gas in Kosovo. Now that’s a complicated question because Kosovo would have to…. 

But this is new to U.S. policy because until now you’ve only pushed Kosovo to do coal because you said this is your affordable option. You know now there are more affordable options than just coal.  Will there be repercussions for Kosovo politics if the agreement with Contour Global doesn’t end up happening? 

Let me finish.  I think that looking at natural gas as an element is perfectly reasonable. It’s not going to be cheap, there are infrastructure problems. Someone would have to build a pipeline between Kosovo and a port, for example.  These are things that are worth looking at—the role of renewables, the role of gas. Up until now, I have not seen a plan that can produce—again—affordable, reliable energy, which business needs also in order to do manufacturing, that does not involve modernizing, replacing, the existing coal infrastructure.  If somebody comes up with a plan that is going to work, that is going to address all of these different elements, of course we’re going to look at it. I look forward to discussing that with the new government as well as with other stakeholders. 

And finally, I’ve recently seen that there is a common denominator between Kosovo and the U.S.  I’ve seen that politicians in the U.S. also intimidate witnesses, even if they are a public servant testifying in front of Congress.  Do you think this is what we have in common? We’ve seen both politicians in both countries, basically, intimidate people….

I don’t think that’s what we have in common.  Here’s what I think the United States and Kosovo have in common.  I think that we have impressive young people who have a global vision, who want to build a future for themselves and their families. I think we have people who are fighting every day for justice, and by that, I don’t just mean anti-corruption.  For example, in the past year I’ve had the honor of meeting with people who work on missing persons issues, with survivors of war-time sexual violence who are really, at great personal sacrifice and personal risk, courageously trying to bring these issues to the forefront.  I think we have people who are willing to take personal risks to build a better political future for the country—one where everybody feels a stake in the future. I think the United States and Kosovo are natural friends—that friendship is going to continue into the future indefinitely.  To get back to a point you made earlier, it doesn’t mean we’re always going to agree. And when we disagree, both governments are going to be free to take steps along those lines. But up until now, and I think into the future, the United States is going to be committed to helping Kosovo build that future—a self-sufficient future where Kosovars don’t have to rely so much on American foreign aid, European aid, remittances. Where Kosovars can wake up in the morning, breathe clean air, and know that they have an economy that stands on its own two feet.

Mr. Kosnett, it has taken you a year to come to Jeta ne Kosove after being in Kosova, I hope to see you more often here in our studio. Thanks for being here.

It’s been a great pleasure Jeta; thank you very much.

See at: https://xk.usembassy.gov/jeta_ne_kosove/

Kosovo can enter a blockade if LVV refuses to propose a name for Assembly Speaker (Express)

While Vetevendosje Movement (LVV) and the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) are not reaching an accord on ruling coalition after the 6 October elections, the public opinion is discussing different hypothetical situations on what might happen if there is no political agreement by 24 December, when the consecutive session is set to take place.

The first move to unblock the way for formation of the new institutions could be election of the Speaker and constitution of the Assembly.

However, what if LVV goes to 24 December session without a political agreement with LDK and refuses to propose Assembly Speaker, and could the right to propose the name of Assembly Speaker be given to some other group within the Assembly?

Former Constitutional Court Chair, Enver Hasani, claims the Constitution of Kosovo clarifies this well. According to him, only LVV has the right to propose the candidate for the Speaker of the Assembly and no one else.

“This is how it stands in this Constitution and no one can take this right away,” Hasani said.

He added that the only way out from this situation is arbitrary decisions which do not have the support of the Constitution. He said that if hypothetically, LVV refuses to propose the name of the Speaker of the Assembly, then, no one can ask interpretation of the Constitutional Court to overcome the stalemate.

“Based on such situation, our country cannot go for any form of new elections without constituting the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo. Practically, there is no way out from such situation and the country could hypothetically remain in a blockade.”

 

 

Serbian Language Media

 

''No one has the right to tell a family to stop hoping their member will be found’’ (RTV KiM)

Representatives of the Serbian and Albanian Association of Missing Persons in Kosovo spoke in the RTV KiM TV Show "Dogovor!" about the fates of missing family members and their suffering in the search that lasts for more than 20 years.

Bajram Qerkini's son Reshet (30) was abducted. 

"It's hard to talk about a son you don't know where he's been for twenty years. My wife is going to die, and she doesn't know anything about her son whom she gave birth to, raised, educated. My son went out and was abducted along with six others nearby ''Polet''. 

Milorad Trfinunovic lost his brother. A young man, Miroslav Trifunovic disappeared with the Belacevac miners 21 years ago.

"I can say that these people are not alive, and among them is my brother. However, the hope dies last, and no one has the right to tell family members to stop hoping that their family member will be found. We are looking for 1653 living, and how we are going to find them, we will see."

The search for the missing miners at the Zilivode site took a full four years. The day before the authorities were due to report search results in the field, a fire broke out. Trifunovic suspects that their remains were found and burnt at the time, and he had informed EULEX about his suspicions.

"A man told me - 'your brother disappeared so and so ...', that man was there, but he told me - 'I will not confirm this anywhere and please do not mention my name'.

''And how should I act now? Should I say that 'the man told this and that', so that he and his family have consequences," Trifunovic says.

Qerkini believes that authorities should first agree on sites, explaining where people have been buried and where they have been burned. He claims that international representatives who have been in Kosovo over the years have aerial footage. They are, as he points out, the main culprits that families do not know the truth still.

"The International Red Cross is a mediator and is doing nothing. The Working Group met only once in a year. So, the question is no longer humane, we can only lie to each other. This is typically a political thing. Politics has created it and the politics keeps us in the uncertainty of finding out where our loved ones are''. 

Qerkini says that authorities are unfortunately more concerned with the introduction of fees than the disappearance of people.

"What's more expensive than a human being," asks Qerkini. 

Asked by RTV KiM who does not want the truth to be found, Trifunovic says: 

“It does not suit criminals and those protecting them. That's why individuals whose hands are dirty are still in power.'' 

Representatives from the two associations are disappointed that the issue of the missing has not been raised in the Brussels Dialogue. Hashim Thaci himself promised to do so.

About Racak

Commenting on the statement by Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic on Racak, Qerkini says that the Serbian president should apologize for that but should also be responsible. 

"This is a disaster. After 21 years, talking about whether it happened is a disaster. I think these people who speak like this should be responsible. And he needs to go public to ask for an apology. There are live people who saw children taken away, some of them even recorded some things, and now it turns out that Albanians have been killing themselves." He points out that Vucic's statements are viewed by Albanians as those who committed crimes.

Trifunovic, on the other hand, says that representatives of both associations avoid commenting on political statements.

"These are stories that affect victims, it is like when you cast salt on an open wound. I personally do not want to get into political connotations, nor do I want to talk about politics. I think everyone should reduce such rhetoric, because the current rhetoric reminds me of the rhetoric of 98 and 99," Trifunovic said, noting that he was scared that such statements could affect the youth in Kosovo.

About the "Yellow house"

Although he recently endorsed at a conference Silvana Marinkovic's suggestion that the allegations of crimes in the "yellow house" in Albania should be examined, Qerkini believes that no surgical procedures and organ removal have been possible there.

"There is nothing worse than telling a lie for 21 years. Who can remove organs in such a house?" Qerkini says, noting that the story of the "yellow house" is a lie. 

"I was in that 'yellow house' and there is no chance that you can have a bowel surgery there."

Unlike his counterpart in the Resource Center, Trifunovic believes that Dick Marty's statements are correct. 

"I spoke with Dick Marty in Belgrade and he told us what he had investigated and the European Parliament supported his complete report. So, the EP trusts him, so why wouldn't I trust him," Trifunovic says.

Qerkini expects that Marty, along with Carla Del Ponte, will have to make their allegations presented before the Special Court.

Where did Kosovo get from thousands of pages of documents about war crimes? (FRE, Radio KIM)

It is not completely clear how did Kosovo Ministry of Foreign Affairs obtain more than 10.000 new documents “to prove Serbian crimes committed in Kosovo in 1998-1999” which they claim to have, and Kosovo did not have it so far, Radio Free Europe (RFE) reports.

RFE also tried to get more details about it at the Foreign Affairs Ministry, however the ministry did not respond until the moment of publishing this text, where did these documents that would be handed over to the Kosovo Special Prosecution dealing with the war crimes next week come from.

Following the conflict in Kosovo, local prosecutors briefly dealt with the war crime cases, and then the cases were transferred to UNMIK, while in 2009 EULEX took them over. Today, local prosecutors are dealing with the war crimes cases again.

Who are the sources?

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs said the documents “were collected in a legal manner and from several sources, including international ones.” These documents, as they claim, contain names of the suspects of committing murders of famous persons, but also other individual murder cases that happened after March 1999 in different urban areas.

Jetlir Zyberaj, chief of the cabinet of outgoing Kosovo Foreign Affairs Minister Behgjet Pacolli, in a statement to RFE said there is evidence of committed Serbian crimes in Kosovo on every page of these documents.

“This dossier in a detailed and professional manner contains explanations of all events that had happened, including the actors who were in the chain of command and those who have carried out massive executions against the Albanian civilians,” Zyberaj said.

Evidence or information for prosecution?

Whether these documents will be considered as evidence or information for the judiciary bodies, it will be clarified once the prosecution receives them.

Amer Alija, legal analyst monitoring war crimes trials on behalf of the Humanitarian Law Centre in Pristina thinks that every information offered to the prosecution to shed light on war crimes is welcome.

“These evidences that will be delivered can only be information for the Special Prosecution. They could have maybe submitted them in a form of criminal complaints following the analysis with the lawyers and to connect suspects with incidents and victims. Evidence submitted in a procedure that is not in line with the criminal procedures can be used as information only,” Alija explained.

Kosovo Foreign Minister Behgjet Pacolli said in a press conference this week that these documents were collected from different sources in a legal manner and would be support to the Kosovo prosecution. He added that until four or three years ago, Kosovo had no access to the war crimes cases that were in the hands of EU and UN missions in Kosovo.

“This was collected during my work. I have engaged with many persons who had access to thousands of documents and proves that our prosecutors didn’t have access to it,” Pacolli said.

Crime and punishment

More than 13.000 people have been killed during the conflict in Kosovo, and more than 1.600 are still listed as missing persons.

According to the Humanitarian Law Centre in Pristina, since 1999 until now 114 persons have been accused of war crimes. 40 of them received punishment from 5 to 15 years in prison, while 26 persons remain at large. The court proceedings are underway for the remaining number.

Out of 114 accused persons, 47 are of Serbian nationality, 61 Albanian, 5 Montenegrin and 1 from Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian communities. From all raised indictments, 34 Albanians were punished and 4 Serbs.

In the meantime, the Ministry of Justice has submitted to the Kosovo Assembly amendments to the Criminal Code that should enable courts to issue punishments in absentia, Radio KIM reported.

Ombudsman launches investigation into excessive use of force against villagers protesting the construction of MHE in Strpce (KoSSev)

Kosovo Ombudsman launches ex officio investigation into use of force by Kosovo police special units against residents of Strpce municipality who were protesting the construction of mini hydro-power plants in Donja Bitinja village, reads the institution's reply to the portal KoSSev, which for months is trying to get an answer whether the Ombudsman will launch an ex officio investigation about allegations of excessive use of force. 

KoSSev portal writes that for one year the residents of the Strpce municipality have been actively protesting the construction of MHPP in this municipality. 

The portal comment that what certainly marked these protests were allegations of excessive force being used by the Kosovo police. In a statement for KoSSev portal, in May, one of the injured villagers stated that seventeen of them were medically treated in Strpce due to injuries sustained.  

Allegations of excessive use of force were repeated in October, when dozens of people, including children, were injured in Donja Bitinja in another series of protests against the construction of MHPP. 

The villagers testified about the excessive use of force in relation to the two mentioned cases, and the Ombudsperson launched an ex officio investigation into only one protest, the one in Donja Bitinja, based on the Pristina Koha reports, stated this institution.

"The Ombudsperson Institution, in accordance with the constitutional role and powers and responsibilities provided for in the Law on the Ombudsman, has initiated ex-officio investigations no. 773/2019, based on a source of information from Koha.net, regarding the use of force by police officers - a special unit against the inhabitants of the village of Bitinja, Strpce municipality, who have come out to protest against the construction of a hydro power plant," the answer reads, KoSSev reported. 

KoSSev reports that since September 27, this portal has been trying to get the position of the Ombudsman Institution regarding the May allegations. 

The portal reports that the response said that Ombudsman did not receive a complaint from any citizen regarding the events during the May 3 protests, and that the case was therefore not investigated, and the institution had no position on the matter.

As of October 7th, KoSSev writes that the answer to the question on whether the Ombudsman did not see, based on the allegations made in their text published in May, enough ground to initiate ex officio investigation and investigate this case, did not arrive yet. KoSSev reports that they did not manage to get a response despite sending repeated inquiries for the institution. 

KoSSev reports that the last query was sent two days ago, on when the Ombudsman's reply can be expected. 

Rakic: Fake indictments against Serbs published in Albanian media (TV Most)

“Frequent attacks on Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija and institutional violence perpetrated by Albanian prosecutors, who indict the prominent Serbian men and women, without any evidence, along with having false accusations published in the Albanian media instead of judicial proceedings, have disturbed Serbs and other non-Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija”, Serbian List Chair Goran Rakic said in a press statement on Thursday, TV Most reports.

Rakic also asked representatives of Serbian opposition in Belgrade why they have not reacted to the oppression of Serbian people taking place in Kosovo and did not condemn the draconian punishment of Ivan Todosijevic over verbal delict.

He also thanked Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic and Office for Kosovo and Metohija Director Marko Đuric for, as he said, standing up, as always, in defence and protection of the Serbian people and the right to truth and freedom of speech.

Rakic also assessed that the threats against Vucic and Djuric made by Pristina politicians show the nervousness of Albanians due to the fact that the Specialist Chamber began summoning the suspects and were thus trying to mask the truth about the suffering of both Serbs and Albanians by lies and chauvinistic statements, TV Most reports.

 

 

International 

 

Opening new Chapter with Serbia was mostly a message of good will to the region (EWB)

Opening of Chapter 4 with Serbia which took place earlier this week was more of a signal of goodwill to the Western Balkans than a recognition of progress, especially in the Chapter 23, agreed the participants of today’s panel discussion on the state of Chapters 23 and 24 in Serbia that took in Belgrade.

See at: https://bit.ly/38ys6uB

If Kosovo, Albania & Macedonia are considered for EU membership, why not independent Scotland & Catalonia? – Puigdemont (Russia Today)

The EU can be prosperous even if it comprises of scores of small independent nations, says fugitive former Catalan leader Carles Puigdemont. If the number of members was an issue, the EU would not accept new ones, he adds.

The former Catalan president is a wanted man in Spain for organizing a referendum on the independence of his home state two years ago. Voices opposing Catalan independence came not only from Madrid, but also Brussels.

For example, then-European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker said it would be impossible to manage the EU, if it had 98 members, which, he predicted, would eventually happen if Catalonia was allowed to do what it wanted. Puigdemont said this line of reasoning has an obvious flaw.

“They told us: ‘Taking in Scotland, Catalonia, Flanders – that would be too complicated’. We could take that, but at the same time the EU was seeking to expand from 28 members to 30 or even 32. They are negotiating with Kosovo, [Northern] Macedonia, Albania on their accession,” he said in an interview with former Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa on RT Spanish. Puigdemont said the EU could be a functional union with wealthy and happy residents, even if composed of tiny countries.

There is, of course, an obvious distinction between the lands he mentioned. The former three are parts of internationally-recognized states. Albania and Northern Macedonia are sovereign nations in their own right while the status of Kosovo is highly disputed.

Puigdemont argued breakaway regions like Catalonia should not get a different treatment simply because of how borders were set sometime in the past.

See at: https://bit.ly/2LRo8Uj

 

 

Development/Humanitarian

 

Kosnett: ‘I eat this air with a fork like everybody else’ (Prishtina Insight)

US Ambassador to Kosovo Philip Kosnett discussed his expectations for the new Kosovo Government for BIRN’s televised program ‘Jeta ne Kosove’, outlining the US position on energy policies, Kosovo-Serbia relations and the operations of US companies in Kosovo.

In an interview for BIRN’s televised program ‘Jeta ne Kosove’ which was broadcast on Thursday night, US ambassador to Kosovo, Philip Kosnett, discussed Kosovo’s environmental issues, border adjustment and the challenges for the next Kosovo Government.

On the environment, Kosnett stated that despite US company ContourGlobal being involved in the potential construction of a new coal-fired power plant in Kosovo, “Kosova e Re” the US Government’s position was to support sustainable options.

See at:  https://bit.ly/35gsuvO

99 underage mothers during 2019 (Klan)

Only during 2019, around 100 underage girls have become mothers. The Prosecution of Kosovo is dealing with some of these cases.

“I am ready to become a mother”

As a fourteen-year-old, in her sixth months of pregnancy, she said she is ready to become a mother. However, ready or not, this epithet took at least 99 other underaged girls, only during the 2019 in Kosovo. 35 of them delivered their babies at QKUK, and one of them was under 14 years old.

“24 patients were under 17 years old, under 16, eight, under 15, one and under 14 one patient. After Pristina, the biggest number of underaged mothers delivered their babies at Prizren Hospital where 18 cases are registered so far. Only three less are in Gjakova. Five births from mothers aged 17 were registered in Gjakova in 2002, while ten from mothers aged 16 in 2003.

Thirteen underaged mothers were registered in Peja while 7 such cases are registered in Gjilan. These are considered criminal offences and they are sanctioned with the penal Code of Kosovo. Therefore, the Basic Prosecution in Pristina is dealing with some of these cases. For the cases in question, qualified as offence “Extramarital union with a person under 16 years of age,” the Basic Prosecution in Pristina received during 2018/2019, 15 cases, from them, one closed with an indictment, while the other cases are still in process.

According to gynecologist Jakup Ismajli, experience of delivery process at an early age increases chances of health complications. There can be premature births, injury of genital organs, injury of the child, and other consequences.

However, psychological consequences after delivery are unavoidable as well, and they consequently can affect the born child as well.

“There is a possibility not to survive the birth process at all, but if they do, psychological difficulties are evident. So, there is more chance that they will be affected by other changes such as other forms of abuse such as alcohol or narcotic substances, because both social and material pressure is unbearable. Then there is a possibility of being affected by depression, behavioral disorders.

Klan Kosova has learned that a great number of underaged mothers belong to the minority communities.   

Muhamet Arifi, who commenced the survey on early marriages and births at non-majority communities, identified the reasons why this is happening. “Low level of education, they did not finish High School, but mainly not even primary school, they drop out. The second reason is poor socio-economic situation of family members, and of course, lack of qualitative education at schools, where there are not many elements on consequences of early marriages.”

In order to prevent this phenomenon, he suggests that institutions should harder on raising awareness of children with regards to the consequences from marriages at an early age.