LOCAL PRESS

Vucic and Palmer agree to disagree (Beta/B92)

Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic and US official Matthew Palmer agreed, while disagreeing on Kosovo that normalization of Belgrade-Pristina relations is of key importance. A statement issued by the president’s press service after the meeting in Belgrade on Thursday also said that Vucic and Palmer believe that normalization of relations is of key importance not only for the EU accession process, but also for regional stability and future prosperity in the region. Vucic and Palmer discussed the importance of the long-standing friendship between Serbia and the US and the commitment of the two countries to further develop their bilateral relations. The interlocutors agreed that now is a key period for future development of Serbia, especially when it comes to efforts to become a full member of the EU. The US official is quoted as saying that his country would continue to support Serbia’s EU accession efforts. Vucic and Palmer, who is acting deputy assistant secretary of state, also stressed the importance of good neighborly relations in the region and agreed that they contribute to stability. Palmer promised continuous support to the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina with EU mediation, in every way considered useful by participants in the dialogue. The Serbian President and the US official agreed that peaceful talks and full implementation of the agreements reached are crucial for achieving a sustainable solution, the statement said.

Brnabic: Formation of Community of Serb Municipalities of greatest importance for Serbia (RTS/Tanjug/Beta)

Serbian Prime Minister Ana Brnabic spoke on 5 April with US official Matthew Palmer about bilateral relations of the two countries, European integration of Serbia and the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue. Brnabic voiced a strong protest over the arrest of the Head of the Office for Kosovo and Metohija Marko Djuric and attacks on Serbian officials, civilians and journalists by the Pristina police. She also pointed out that Serbia expects the international community to condemn the violence of the Pristina security forces. Palmer said that the supreme interest of the United States is to preserve peace, stability and security of the Western Balkans region. He voiced concern over the recent incidents in Kosovo and stressed the importance of continuing the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina under EU auspices. According to him, implementation of the Brussels agreement and dialogue is the only way to find a constructive solution.

Brnabic recalled that Serbia has fulfilled all the obligations from the Brussels agreement and also expects Pristina to do so. Brnabic once again stressed the importance of forming the Community of Serb Municipalities and added that Belgrade is ready to continue dialogue with Pristina. Palmer pointed out that the US is keen to continue the positive dynamics of bilateral relations with Serbia. According to him, the vision of Serbia and the US is the same, and that is a stable and prosperous Serbia in the EU.

NAM members urged to persevere in not recognizing Kosovo (Tanjug/B92)

Serbian Foreign Minister Ivica Dacic has appealed on members of the Non-Aligned Movement to persevere in not recognizing the unilaterally declared independence of Kosovo. The Serbian foreign minister on Wednesday addressed a ministerial conference of the Movement (NAM) in Baku, Azerbaijan, calling on all countries to “continue to oppose the unilateral attempts of so-called Kosovo at affirming its aspirations to membership of international organizations.”

Serbia is “aware of how delicate it is today for those siding with it in its legitimate fight to preserve its territorial integrity and defend the principles of the United Nations Charter,” Dacic continued. “We are also aware that many of you are exposed to different pressures to recognize the unilateral declaration of independence of ‘Kosovo’. Therefore, I would like to take this opportunity to appeal to you, once again, to remain consistent in defending the norms of the international legal order and abide by the position of non-recognition, and continue to oppose the unilateral attempts of so-called Kosovo at affirming its aspirations to membership of international organizations.” “I would like to take this opportunity to express deep gratitude to the many members of the Movement that have not recognized unilaterally declared independence of “Kosovo” and by respecting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Serbia, remained committed to the principles of international law, Charter of the United Nations as well as to UNSC resolution 1244 (1999). In doing so, you have sent a principled and powerful message in favor of respect of the rule of law in international framework,” the minister said.

By defending its sovereignty and territorial integrity, Serbia is defending not only international law, but the highest authority of the UN Security Council in maintaining international peace and security, Dacic told the gathering. “I wish to recall that it has been a decade now that Serbia has been devotedly and responsibly warning the international community of the apparent danger of unilateral steps being taken, indicating that the unilateral declaration of independence of ‘Kosovo’ constitutes a highly dangerous and unacceptable precedent which, as we have witnessed, has given an impetus to other separatist and secessionist movements worldwide. We believe that unilateralism only leads to the deepening of crises, instability and further divisions,” he said.

Kosovo and Metohija continues to be fraught with numerous challenges and a highly complex political and security situation, as witnessed by the most recent developments of March 26 in which the Director of the Office of the Government of Serbia and chief negotiator in the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina, Marko Djuric, was beaten and arrested in a brutal action of the Kosovo police special units, and in which a total of 36 Serbs were injured, Dacic explained.

“This testifies to the gravity of the situation of the Serb and other non-Albanian peoples, who are the subject of freedom-of-movement restrictions, continued intimidation and attempts at forcible expulsion of Serbs, lack of conditions for exercising their fundamental rights, jeopardizing Serbian historical, cultural and religious heritage, while the exercise of the right to return by those who have left their homes in Kosovo and Metohija is almost impossible,” Dacic said.

“Despite the double standards applied to Serbs by the international community, we believe that we must remain consistent in our endeavors to resolve the Kosovo and Metohija issue, peacefully and through dialogue, in order to find a compromise solution and reach a historic agreement with the Albanian community in Kosovo and Metohija. Such solution must respect Serbia’s interests and the needs of the Serb community in Kosovo and Metohija, Dacic said. “We are strongly tied by the bonds of close principled positions aimed at preservation of the territorial integrity of all internationally recognized countries, UN member states, and the need for respecting international law. In this context, we welcome the decisions of Non-Aligned Movement member countries, Burundi and Suriname, to revoke their recognitions, and expect other states that have earlier recognized the unilateral declaration of independence of ‘Kosovo’ to follow suit, in the period ahead,” Dacic said. He welcomed the fact that the Final Document of this year’s Ministerial Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement has reaffirmed that members of the Movement will respect the territorial integrity, sovereignty, political independence and inviolability of borders of its member states. Earlier in his address, Dacic spoke about the NAM’s “historic role was primarily to contribute to the preservation of peace and lessening the tensions resulting from the bloc rivalry in the Cold War era, as well as to defend the universal purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.”

Dacic: Without its mentors, Pristina would accept partition (Beta)

Serbian Foreign Minister Ivica Dacic says Pristina would accept a proposal to partition Kosovo if it was talked to without its mentors. According to Beta, Dacic also stated that great powers, when delineation and partition are mentioned, count on a massive displacement of the population – because they do not take into account that the ethnic situation in the field is already in line with the proposal of partition itself. Speaking on Saturday, Dacic also said that great powers did not want to consider a partition of Kosovo because they think the issue of Kosovo was closed in 2008 by them recognizing its independence. Asked if the accusations made by opposition People’s Party leader Vuk Jeremic that President Aleksandar Vucic offered the south of Serbia for the north of Kosovo were true, Dacic said there had been no discussion about an attempt to solve Kosovo permanently. “There have been various conversations, in various metropolises, exchange of opinions, but no official ones. I do not know where anyone could have offer such a thing,” Dacic said.  Speaking about upcoming activities concerning the issue of Kosovo, he said that foreign ministers of Greece and France would arrive in Belgrade this week, and that important talks are ahead.

Djuric: Pristina making choice for tutorship over Serbs (RTS/Tanjug)

The document on the formation of the Community of Serb Municipalities (ZSO), which Pristina presented on Friday to foreign diplomats, is nothing but making nonsense the previous claims of the provisional institutions in Pristina that they will form the ZSO, said the Marko Djuric on Saturday. He told a press conference that Pristina, instead of working on the formation of the ZSO, is forming some “management bodies” that represent nothing but a committee for tutorship over Serb representatives. He explains that Serbia has acquired the authentic document that Pristina presented yesterday to foreign diplomats titled “The Working Mechanism for the Association of Serb Municipalities”. Djuric says this document speaks of the fact that the Prime Minister of provisional institutions in Pristina Ramush Haradinaj needs to be in charge with the implementation and formation of the ZSO. “They envisage with this document, neither less nor more, four Serb representatives in the implementation, management team, and 12 members in the management team, meaning that it has an Albanian majority,” notes Djuric. He says this plan envisages the formation of some king of executive committee that should be giving project tasks to Serb representatives in regard to the formation of the ZSO, and members are Meliza Haradinaj, Selim Selimi, representatives Thaci, Veseli, representatives of the Self-Determination Movement, Democratic Union of Kosovo and other political parties of national minorities. “This has not been envisaged by the Brussels agreement,” says Djuric, adding it is out of the question to realize something like this, because there is the Brussels agreement. “They will not be able to lie to us or Serbian citizens,” said Djuric.

Belgrade expects adequate reaction

Djuric says that the document was distributed to the US and EU, as their official document, so Belgrade expects an adequate reaction. “I want to tell them – you will not be watching this movie. The Serbs will be working on the ZSO as envisaged by the agreement,” said Djruic. Asked how Serbia acquired this document from Pristina, Djuric says that “we have our channels”. He says that Pristina doesn’t intend to form the ZSO. He told them they need to think how to amend their constitutional framework so they can establish the real, and not false, ZSO, as they imagine.

International community is not sincere

Djuric notes that this is the 1813^th day since the ZSO has not been formed, adding it was planned for the two sides to form by the end of May 2013 the management team for the formation of the Association with  a Serb majority, with the description of jobs and tasks as defined by the implementation committee. He explains that the implementation committee defined something completely different in comparison to what is written in Pristina’s plan, and this is for the ZSO to manage the economy, healthcare, schools, urban and rural planning, security, election of police commander. “Now they are planning bodies only with an Albanian majority that would serve only their purpose,” says Djuric. He says that has international community wanted to do something seriously in 1813 days, it would have done so, and that the condition to Kosovo for the vise free regime would not have been demarcation of the so-called border of the so-called Kosovo with Montenegro, but the ZSO. Djuric claims that Pristina’s intention is to accelerate the purchase of Serb properties with increased inflow of illegal and partially legal money, to intimidate the Serbs with expulsion and arrests, and for Serb representatives, by being bribed, to quarrel between themselves. “Then our representatives will be an easy target for further pressures,” said Djuric.

Pristina to draft ZSO statute within four months (B92/Tanjug)

The EU has welcomed the Kosovo PM’s announcement on giving the mandate to the management team to draft the statute of the ZSO. Tanjug is reporting that the EU gave Pristina a four-month time frame for the process. A statement posted on the website of the European External Action Service said that the drafting process for the statute has started and will take place within a four-month time frame. “This long awaited step allows for the implementation of the dialogue agreement on the Association/Community of Serb majority municipalities to commence, which is an obligation Kosovo undertook in the EU facilitated dialogue, the Brussels April 2013 and August 2015 agreements,” the statement added, and concluded: “The EU will be inviting the chief negotiators from Belgrade and Pristina, their teams, as well as the management team and technical experts for discussions in Brussels, to engage constructively and in good faith in the drafting process.”

Covic on changes to the election law in B&H (RTS)

One of the hot topics in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) is the changes to the election law. The head of EU Delegation to B&H and the EU Special Representative in B&H Lars-Gunnar Wigemark said that the EU has no reserve plan in case that there is no agreement on amendments to the electoral law by the beginning of May. Four Bosniak parties in Sarajevo have put forward a proposal to override the House of Peoples of the Federation of B&H, according to the principle of proportionality in accordance with the 1991 census. On the other hand, Croat member of B&H Presidency Covic suggests changing the electoral law according to a model that one nation (constitutive peoples) cannot elect another nation’s (constitutive peoples) representatives for the House of Peoples and for members of the Presidency of B&H. Covic says that there is very little time left, 30 days when the Central Election Commission will announce the elections. “This means that if we want to have a political relationship and responsibility for this problem, then we will solve it, and I think that everything is in the hands of political Sarajevo and Bosniak parties. They are gathered together, with the US and Wigemark, as well as with all others, and have built a standpoint that this is a chance for a much stronger relationship and when Dayton is concerned, this is a big departure from Dayton today. There is no desire to comply with the decision of the Constitutional Court on the legitimate preconception of the people, it is a need that has been arising for a long time in Sarajevo, to build a civic state from B&H,” said Covic. According to him, the first step would be a Federation where Bosniaks would become dominant and they have further plans, “it is unachievable as far as I am concerned” said Covic and added “I believe that the only solution that we can seek is to amend the electoral law around three issues, and all of them are related to the decision of the Constitutional Court from the last year and the last ten years”. “Members of the presidency must be chosen on the principle where one nation does not elect representatives of another, it must be done in the club of peoples, among the Croats, Bosniaks and the Serbs. It is not possibility that Bosniaks as majority people choose clubs in the club of Serbs, Croats, as well as in the city of Mostar,” concluded Covic.

REGIONAL PRESS

Vucic and Izetbegovic talk over phone (N1)

Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic spoke on the phone with Chairman of the Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) Presidency Bakir Izetbegovic on Sunday. They discussed improvement of relations between B&H and Serbia. They both agreed that peace and stability in the Western Balkans region are the main conditions for overall progress of the region. They emphasized that it is necessary to make concrete steps that will lead to solving the open issues, especially the border issue between B&H and Serbia. During their phone conversation on Sunday, Vucic extended his invitation to Izetbegovic to an official visit to Serbia, so that they could continue their work on solving the open issue between the two countries, as soon as possible.

This phone conversation came on the eve of Vucic’s visit to B&H, on which occasion he is to open International Economic Fair in Mostar and on which occasion he will meet officials of other countries, as well as representatives of the Church. On the first day of visit, Vucic is scheduled to meet member of B&H presidency Dragan Covic and members of Coordination of Serb Associations in Mostar. Serbian President will also visit Orthodox Cathedral in Mostar and will meet Bishop Grigorije. On the second day, i.e. on Tuesday, Vucic will meet Bulgarian Prime Minister Boyko Borissov and will then open the International Economic Fair. According to media announcements, focus of Vucic’s visit will be on economy, and status of Serb people in B&H. According to the statement, issued after the talk between Vucic and Izetbegovic, Bosniak member of B&H Presidency will not be attending the opening of International Economic Fair. Serb member of B&H Presidency Mladen Ivanic already stated that he is unable to attend, due to other obligations, as he is attending a Forum in Istanbul, while allegations about Izetbegovic not attending were published by certain media. The information that Vucic invited him to come to Belgrade to continue their talks, only encouraged such allegations.

Bosniaks want complete domination in the Federation (EuroBlic)

President of the Main Board of Croat People’s Assembly (HNS) Bozo Ljubic who confirmed that HNS will hold a session on Monday and take a stance on proposal of changes to B&H Election Law, which was agreed by SDA, SDP, SBB B&H and DF last week. The proposal stipulates reducing of competencies of the Federation of B&H House of Peoples, bringing it to the level of Republika Srpska (RS) Council of Peoples, as well as provision which would secure that representative of each people is elected to Federation of B&H HoP from each of 10 cantons.

Asked about the agreement, Ljubic said that he does not consider that any kind of agreement was reached, let alone under the patronage of the international community. He stressed that the mentioned proposal demands change of the Federation of B&H and B&H Constitutions, while the decision of the Constitutional Court of B&H, reached upon his motion, demands harmonization of the Election Law with the Constitution of B&H. “Bosniak parties from Sarajevo have now completely unmasked their policy by proposing equalization of Federation of B&H HoP with RS CoP. This confirms that their goal is complete domination in the Federation and that the goal is to turn the Federation of B&H into Bosniak replica of the RS. This is unacceptable and is in collision with the decision of B&H CC and there is no point in declaring on details of this proposal,” stressed Ljubic. He stressed that HNS Presidency will hold a session on Monday and it is certain that they will reject to discuss this proposal. Ljubic argues that it is necessary to go towards the agreement that will aim to implement decisions of B&H CC and they expect the IC to mediate in this direction. Asked if B&H will enter the crisis if the agreement is not reached before announcing of the elections, Ljubic said that it is certain that B&H will enter institutional crisis, as it will not be possible to establish the authority at any level. He deems that this institutional crisis would lead to security crisis: “This is now the issue for the “sponsors” i.e. guarantors of the Dayton Agreement and its signatories, more concretely for Serbia and Croatia, because along with B&H they have the biggest interest in securing the stability in the region. Naturally, this is also the issue for the EU and I think that this will be the direction of activities in next 20 days. In the end, the Dayton Agreement alone, was agreed in three weeks, so this can be agreed as well”. Asked if he expects Serbian and Croatian officials to include into this issue, Ljubic said that he deems that these countries have obligation to react within the Peace Implementation Council, even though they are not members of the PIC Steering Board.

Croat parties present six principles for implementation of ‘Ljubic’ ruling (FTV)

Some Croat parties present six principles on implementation of ‘Ljubic’ ruling that were agreed upon by leaders of SDA, SDP, DF and SBB B&H recently. Namely, HDZ 1990 leader Ilija Cvitanovic said that the conclusions of the four parties are totally unacceptable, especially when it comes to symmetry between Federation of B&H House of Peoples (HoP) and Republika Srpska (RS) Council of Peoples (CoP) and the way of election of delegates to the Federation of B&H HoP. “I am disappointed with conclusion of these four parties, which give up on the RS, because I expected from them to insist on increase of powers of the RS CoP, in line with the Federation of B&H HoP,” he said. Leader of Croat Party of B&H Bozo Skopljakovic said that the Central Election Commission (CEC) should design a solution for disabling misuse of ethnic voting, which would regain trust in B&H and protect the election process. According to HDZ B&H leader Dragan Covic, the symmetry between the Federation of B&H HoP and the RS CoP is not implementation of the decision of B&H Constitutional Court. He said that the meaning of the decision is to ensure legitimate representation of constituent peoples. “It can be achieved in this short time if there is will,” he said. Covic stressed that it seems to him that the goal of the principles is to maintain status quo and cause crisis after elections. Croat parties deem that the international community got into a trap of political elites, and consider decisions of the B&H Constitutional Court selectively. Cvitanovic reiterated that compromise is the solution, not trying to make what the RS has in the Federation of B&H. Skopljakovic wondered who has right to select one decision of the B&H Constitutional Court and work on its implementation, while other 79 decisions are not important. Covic noted that the international community will come to Mostar next week, and added that Croat People’s Assembly will convene on Monday.

Covic: It is clear that goal of Bosniak parties is to get control over FB&H (Dnevni avaz)

Member of the B&H Presidency Dragan Covic stated for the media in Mostar that realization of the proposal prepared by SBB B&H, SDP, DF and SDA on abolition of the Federation of B&H House of Peoples (HoP) would lead towards creation of a Bosniak entity in the Federation of B&H, as is the case with Serbs in Republika Srpska (RS). Covic believes that the four parties’ proposals are distancing B&H from possibility of reaching agreement on the Law on Elections. “These proposals are leading towards direction that we will not reach a solution acceptable to parliamentary majority and all three peoples in next one month”, said Covic. He also announced that the Croat People’s Assembly (HNS) will provide a clear answer, believing that the HNS will reach a full consensus about key issues. “Any kind of reciprocity between the Federation and the RS cannot be introduced through the electoral legislation. If there are talks about changes to the Constitution, then we have a proposal about four federal units,” added Covic. He stressed that it is clear that goal of Bosniak parties is to get control over the Federation of B&H and appointment of authorities at entity and state level.

SBB B&H: We will not turn FB&H into Bosniak entity (Dnevni list)

Representative in the B&H House of Representatives (HoR) Damir Arnaut (SBB B&H) stated that proposal of changes to the Law on Elections of B&H, which was harmonized by four parties SDA, SDP, DF, SBB B&H in Sarajevo on Thursday, will not turn the Federation of B&H into a Bosniak entity. Arnaut believes that the agreement reached by the four parties is a significant step, arguing that the content of the agreement is a basis for future negotiations on changes to the Law on Elections. “It is nobody’s intention to turn the Federation into a Bosniak entity. Bosniak entity is not being created. It would be worst for the Bosniaks to have Bosniak entity. SBB rejects and fight against it,” stated Arnaut. Regarding the statement that the EU does not have a back-up plan for B&H, Arnaut says it is good because imposition of a solution would mean running away from responsibility. “You cannot sit 20 years in the parliament and ask from the OHR to impose solutions. It is an irresponsible approach. Where is sovereignty there, where is state-building consciousness there,” Arnaut asked. Commenting on reactions coming from HDZ B&H, SBB B&H’s Arnaut told that everyone is entitled to have an opinion, but what matters the most is for everyone to respect the other side. He assessed that HDZ B&H might have reacted too emotionally, adding that SBB B&H has never reacted in this way when it comes to proposals of other parties. Arnaut concluded that all proposals are “legitimate” provided that participants in the talks find a solution that will make it possible to implement the election results.

Magazinovic: HDZ B&H’s aim is not to change Law on Elections but to create chaos (Dnevni list)

Chairman of SDP Main Board Sasa Magazinovic commented on HDZ Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) reaction to proposal of changes to the Law on Elections of B&H, which was harmonized by four parties SDA, SDP, DF and SBB B&H. According to Magazinovic, HDZ B&H is afraid of multi-ethnic parties and has nightmares when it comes to multi-ethnic societies. “That is why I am not amazed with the panic to one rational proposal, which leads to solution HDZ B&H is actually insisting on. Their reaction shows their aim is not to change the Law on Elections but to create chaos with far reaching consequences,” said Magazinovic.

DF: HDZ B&H wants to maintain domination over money in Federation of B&H with story about Bosniak entity (Dnevni list)

Representative in the B&H House of Representatives Damir Becirovic (DF) told that claims of HDZ B&H, according to which proposal of changes to the Law on Elections of B&H agreed by SDA, SDP, DF, SBB B&H will turn the Federation of B&H into a Bosniak entity, are groundless and populist. “Nobody ever thought about any Bosniak union, federation or anything like that. We simply want to observe a decision of the Constitutional Court of B&H and we believe this is the best way,” said Becirovic stressing that HDZ B&H wants to maintain domination over finances in the Federation of B&H, which are under direct control of HDZ B&H President Dragan Covic and a group of people around him. “Judiciary in B&H is not functional and has no capacity to conduct any kind of processes against politicians. There are many evidence and information in public that politicians, including Covic, committed some of biggest criminal affairs in B&H,” said Becirovic.

SNSD: Principles of amendments to Law on Elections of B&H on election of delegates to Federation of B&H HoP unrealistic (RTRS)

According to SNSD, the issue of amendments to the B&H Law on Elections, which refer to the method of election of delegates to the Federation of B&H House of Peoples (HoP), should be solved by the Croat and Bosniak politicians. Commenting on principles agreed by representatives of four political parties based in Sarajevo, SNSD’s Dusanka Majkic stressed that interests of Croats should be taken into account while amending the law. She argued that representatives of the Bosniak parties and international community (IC) reached an agreement on amendments to the law without consulting the Croat parties, adding that the offered principles seem to be quite unrealistic. According to Majkic, the attempt to equalize the competences of the Federation of B&H HoP and the Republika Srpska (RS) Council of Peoples (RS CoP) is especially disputable, given the fact that it would require major constitutional changes. “They are aware of the fact that Croats cannot accept any other solution but equality of the two Houses. Nothing indicates a possibility that Croats could accept something like that,” Majkic said. According to SNSD, the case is about an attempt to make sure the elections are postponed, which is evident among those who are lacking confidence in terms of their election results.

HNS says coalition is stable (Hina)

Ivan Vrdoljak, the leader of the Croatian People’s Party (HNS), a junior partner in the ruling coalition, said late on Friday evening, after a meeting with Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic, that the coalition was stable and that in the coming days the prime minister would convene the commission whose task is to appoint the head of the expert task force for the implementation of the education reform. “The coalition is stable. We have concluded that tension has been created in public, while the atmosphere at the meeting was actually excellent,” Vrdoljak told reporters after the meeting, which ended shortly after 11 pm. He said that they had discussed a number of issues, including members of the expert task force for the implementation of the education reform, but he would not say whether Matko Gluncic would be appointed the head of the task force. Gluncic’s appointment is opposed by the HNS and its Science and Education Minister Blazenka Divjak. Speaking to the press before the meeting, Vrdoljak said that the HNS would not allow the education reform to be halted. Earlier in the day, speaking to reporters after a meeting of his Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) presidency, Plenkovic said that the implementation of the curricular reform was not a matter over which the coalition partners should outvote one another, but should seek a solution that would ensure the effective continuation of the education reform. After the HDZ meeting, Plenkovic arrived at government headquarters accompanied by parliament speaker Gordan Jandrokovic and Interior Minister Davor Bozinovic. Vrdoljak joined them later.

CRO Demoskop releases latest opinion poll (HRT)

According to the latest monthly political opinion poll, the Croatian Democratic Union is still the strongest political party in Croatia. Despite the fact that the HDZ has an approval rating of less than 27 percent, they are still well ahead of the Social Democrats who are currently polling at just over 21 percent. The Zivi zid activist party is in a distant third, but continues to maintain a lead over the Most party; both sit at around 11 and 8 percent respectively. After a three-month hiatus, the most popular politician according to those polled is “No one in particular” with almost 19 percent. In second place is President Kolinda Grabar Kitarovic with 16.5 percent, while rounding out the top three is Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic with 11 percent – a full one and a half percent lower than the previous month. Overall, the negative perception of politicians in Croatia is on the rise. The Prime Minister tops the list of the most unpopular politicians with more than 24 percent. Next on the list is “All politicians”, while SDP President Davor Bernardic is third with over nine percent disapproval. In terms of issues, the controversial Istanbul Convention has overtaken the Agrokor crisis as the top concern of voters. Many people, including religious leaders and some within the ruling HDZ, believe the convention will lay the foundation for gender ideology. Meanwhile, support in general for the government and its policies continues to wane, as only 15 percent believe the country is moving in the right direction; while a full 77 percent disapprove of Croatia’s course.

Three NATO warships visit Split (Hina)

A group of three NATO warships, led by the British destroyer HMS Duncan and including Spanish and a Turkish frigate, anchored off the southern coastal city of Split on Friday, and a delegation of the three vessels met with the Deputy Mayor of Split Nino Vela. The group’s commander, Captain Mike Utley, said that their cooperation with the Croatian Navy was good and that their mission was to secure the navigation routes of NATO members in the Mediterranean. Vela invited the NATO guests to a sight-seeing tour of the city. The Defense Ministry said in a statement that the NATO ships would stay in Split until April 10 and that the purpose of their visit was to strengthen the interoperability of the Croatian Navy and NATO.

Rama supports Djukanovic (CDM)

President of the Socialist Party and Prime Minister of Albania, Edi Rama, welcomed good relations with Montenegro and he particularly expressed his generous support to Milo Djukanovic in the forthcoming presidential election. As reported from the Democratic Party of Socialists, Rama indicated that choosing Milo Djukanovic for a President is a pro-European choice which guarantees stability and prosperity of the region. President of the Commission for the International Cooperation, European and Euro-Atlantic Integration of the Democratic Party of Socialists, Aleksandar Andrija Pejovic, attended the PES Balkans Conference held in Tirana, and on that occasion he said it is of crucial importance to maintain the planned integration dynamics. He pointed out the importance of accurate and timely integration of the economy and entire civil population into the negotiation process and the role of the civil society and the sector of the economy in the process of the European integration.

160.000 votes for winning in the first round (Dan)

Presidential elections in Montenegro will be held on Sunday, 15 April, and 532.599 citizens will vote for the head of their country for the third time since Montenegro became an independent country. Seven candidates are in the game: Marko Milacic , Mladen Bojanic, Hazbija Kalac, Vasilije Milickovic, Dobrilo Dedeic, Draginja Vuksanovic and Milo Djukanovic.

Polling places will be open from 7 a.m. to 9 p.m. More than 1000 observers have been accredited so far. In accordance with the article 16 of the Law on Election of the President of Montenegro, head of the state will be the candidate who wins more than one half of votes in the first round of elections. If none of the candidates has the necessary number of votes, there is the second round of elections. Here, the choice is made between the two candidates who had the highest number of votes in the first round. The candidate who has more votes in the second round is the winner. According to the article 17 of the Law, there’s also the third round, if the candidates have the same number of votes in the second round. According to the forecast,  if the turnout is over 63 % and supposing that there are around 10 thousand invalid ballots, a candidate needs at least 160.000 votes to win.

Serbia is expected to arrest Marovic father and son (CDM)

Deputy Prime Minister Zoran Pazin, expects Serbia to arrest Svetozar and Milos Marovic, and to extradite them to Montenegro. He welcomed an announcement made by the Minister of Internal Affairs of Serbia, Nebojsa Stefanovic, saying that this country is preparing to take intense repressive measures against all the perpetrators of criminal offences in Montenegro who tried to escape the justice by fleeing to another country. “Since we haven’t received any information about the action of the competent authorities in Serbia, I’ll use this opportunity to express my hopes that Marovic-gentlemen, who are , according to the knowledge of our competent authorities currently somewhere on the territory of Serbia, will soon be deprived of liberty and sent to serve their prison sentence in Montenegro,” said Pazin.

Zaev: The reconstruction of government will be finished by the end of April (Meta)

The reconstruction of the Government is expected to be completed by the end of April, announced Prime Minister Zoran Zaev. When asked if the ministerial post of justice would remain in the hands of DUI personnel, Zaev responded that the negotiations on the issue are ongoing. “We have been discussing certain personnel. I have begun talks with political parties and MPs. I believe that in accordance with the quality of the staff, the people speak for themselves. Therefore, I will not immediately come out with a new decision regarding the post of minister of justice. I want to use this vacancy for negotiations on the reconstruction of the Government and making it stronger, so in this package we will fill the vacant position for minister of justice, and of course, we will reveal other solutions,” said Zaev.

Mickoski: No-confidence motion today, session on Wednesday (MIA)

VMRO-DPMNE leader Hristijan Mickoski said Sunday the party would file the government no-confidence motion to the Parliament, expecting the session to be scheduled to Wednesday.

“We hope Wednesday will be the day when we can argue our positions, according to the Parliament’s Rules of Procedures. I expect the no-confidence motion to be successful, followed by early elections,” Mickoski told journalists after an Easter service in Skopje-based cathedral church “St. Clement of Ohrid”. Regarding the leaders’ meeting on the name issue, the opposition leader said there is no specific date scheduled as yet, but expects it over the next weekend, following the talks of Macedonian and Greek foreign minister in Ohrid on 11-12 April.

“We see some so-called fresh optimism from the prime minister and the foreign minister. We will see what this optimism is based on. I hope we will learn more details at the leaders’ meeting,” added Mickoski.

Over 50 opposition protesters prosecuted (ADN)

At the time when the opposition declared the continuation of the protests and the civil disobedience, the police directorates of Lushnje, Vore, Elbasan and Kurbin have prosecuted more than 50 people. 34 MPs, among whom DP chairman Lulzim Basha and SMI chairwoman Monika Kryemadhi, are accused of organizing and participating in illegal rallies and demonstrations and of obstruction of traffic. On the list of proceedings are also Shkodra Mayor, Voltana Ademi, and Kukes Mayor, Bashkim Shehu. Last Thursday, the opposition took to the streets to protest against the arrest of 23 Kukes citizens following their protest against the imposition of Nation’s Road toll fee, as well as the small business inclusion in the VAT scheme.

Asked about the criminal prosecution of opposition MPs, DP leader Lulzim Basha said it is a ridiculous act of political investigations. “This action exposes what we’ve seen for a long time, that justice and prosecution have been captured and this is the last stage of autocracy capturing all the powers,” Basha said. He added that he’s honored to be prosecuted, along with the citizens who have been protesting for a legitimate right to defend the 11 people imprisoned unjustly, as they rose up against an openly accepted guilt, which, according to him, is the establishment of a corrupt fee on the Nation’s Road. “The battle will continue; none of us are afraid of political investigation. We call on citizens to carry on the way we started because they cannot arrest us all,” DP leader said. Moreover, Basha met with Mitrovica Mayor Agim Bahtiri, who informed him on the developments of Kosovo. Basha has expressed the determination of the Democratic Party to do everything to avoid any obstacles between Albania and Kosovo, to ease communication as well as to reduce the cost of trade and economic exchanges between the two countries. He confirmed his support to Mitrovica Mayor’s efforts and of Kosovo leadership in advancing with the objective of Kosovo people for the unification of Mitrovica in every context. He put emphasis on an “economic and social union that will put an end to the political manipulation for 18 years now in this unfair division, and a new chapter of a Kosovo that makes progress towards a goal, a Euro-Atlantic Kosovo as a guarantee for regional stability and for the European future of all countries in the region, including Serbia”.

INTERNATIONAL MEDIA SOURCES

Democracy Comes at a Price in the Western Balkans (The National Interest, by Vuk Jeremić, 8 April 2018)

Political extremism and radicalization in liberal democracies are not new phenomena. For the past several hundred years, Western thinkers have struggled to determine how far a citizen of a liberal democracy could legitimately go in expressing his or her beliefs and, more importantly, acting on them. They have also wrestled with the related question of how limited government—institutionalized through doctrines like checks and balances and the separation of powers—can best support individual endeavors and aspirations whilst defending the constitutional order against those who seek to endanger it. Contemporary debates on counterterrorism, for instance, are conceptually not that far off from twentieth century ones about countering totalitarianism on both the left and the right. Then, as now, the line was usually drawn at sedition: one may publicly criticize all one wants whilst making use of the electoral process to effectuate the change one seeks—this legitimately falls within the prescribed limits of free speech and lawful political action. An altogether different problem arises when a liberal democracy—especially one in its nascent stage—becomes incapable of countering the nefarious ambitions of an elected leader who pays lip service to the institutions of the constitutional order to rule in a manner that endangers its core tenets; in other words, when a leader abrogates his fundamental responsibility to the people by equating the perpetuation of his personal reign with the ongoing authority of the state. Some of the most insightful writings on this problem are to be found in the final volume of Alexis de Tocqueville’s magnum opus, Democracy in America (1840)—in those chapters that constitute an examination of challenges common to democracies tout court. The French political philosopher warns of the dangers of “soft despotism,” whereby a leader conspires against his own citizenry, endeavoring to weaken, isolate, and alienate each of its members through the creation of an “immense tutelary power.” All-powerful and elected, such an “irresponsible” leader sees himself as “alone tak[ing] charge of assuring citizens’ enjoyments and watching over their fate.” This would resemble, Tocqueville writes, “paternal power if, like that, it had for its object to prepare men for manhood; but on the contrary, it seeks only to keep them fixed irrevocably in childhood; it likes citizens to enjoy themselves provided that they think only of enjoying themselves. [ . . . ] It wants to be the unique agent and sole arbiter of that,” and “penetrate the sphere of private interests more habitually and more deeply.” This modern form of what Tocqueville calls “servitude” is achieved in part through “subjugation in small affairs, [ . . . ] constantly thwart[ing] [men] and brings them to renounce the use of their wills. Thus, little by little, it extinguishes their spirits and enervates their souls.” It renders citizens “so dependent on the central power” through habituating obedience that they “lose little by little the faculty of thinking, feeling, and acting by themselves.” [ . . . ] “Thus, after taking each individual by turns in its powerful hands and kneading him as it likes, the sovereign extends its arms over society as a whole; [ . . . ] it rarely forces one to act, but it constantly opposes itself to one’s acting; it does not destroy, it prevents things from being born.” Tocqueville’s portrait of despotism arising in democracy is “soft” when compared to, for example, the Jacobin terror, Leopold II’s heart of darkness in the Congo, Stalin’s gulag archipelago, Hitler’s totalitarianism and its culmination in the Holocaust, or the Khmer Rouge’s genocidal social engineering. Yet by propagating anxiety, doubt, and uncertainty; hindering any prospect of hope, the driving force behind all democratic institutions; and systematically imposing tutelary dependence and servility on an unsuspecting populace, it represents a degradation of the human spirit just the same. Soft despotism propagandizes the prestige of unlimited power and denigrates the rule of law, exerting enormous influence on the course of any society it enshackles. It encourages uniform mass opinions, gives birth to prejudices, and fosters ever-deepening divisions. It designates as mortal enemies those who oppose its stranglehold on the nation, delivering the fate of an entire people to the savage political instincts of those most capable of channeling society’s fears, vices and fissures. Regrettably, soft despotism continues to manifest itself in various forms in a number of nations across the Old Continent, including in those parts of the Balkans that remains outside the European Union. Specific circumstances have eased the way for the sort of despotic leaders described by Tocqueville to seize power and establish a type of regime that has come to be known as “stabilitocracy.” Political scientists like Florian Bieber, Srdja Pavlović, Antoinette Primatarova, and Johanna Deimel have contributed to defining this contemporary phenomenon: a reactionary manner of personal rule that claims to secure stability, feigns the espousal of European values, and professes to support EU integration whilst in reality relying on authoritarian means to stay in power. Such methods include: promotion of a single-party political culture; reliance on informal kleptocratic structures; significant electoral irregularities; control of the media landscape; slanderous vilification of opponents; collaboration with organized crime figures; extensive exploitation of state resources for political advantage; suppression of citizens’ fundamental rights and freedoms; downgrading of parliamentary debate; and regular production of crises to undermine the rule of law and subordinate the independence of state institutions like the police, the military, the judiciary, and the tax authority. Stabilitocracy does share certain features with what has been defined variously as managed, illiberal, hybrid, or majoritarian democracy—or what Larry Diamond has called postmodern autocracy: an “arrangement that leaves the shell of democratic institutions standing but hollows out the pluralist essence—a free press and civil society, an independent judiciary, a fair electoral playing field—that it is nearly impossible to defeat the ruling party through normal politics.” But it is distinct from these other contemporary threats to liberal democracy for at least two reasons. First, it distinguishes between those countries whose EU aspirations are widely understood as realistic such as the Western Balkans, others that although geographically proximate have no credible chance to join the Union, and still others that are already members. Second, it adds the crucial factor of a grant of external legitimacy to the understanding of contemporary Balkan despotisms. This last is the most distinctive feature of stabilitocracy, one that thinkers such as Tocqueville did not consider in their writings. The modern-day Balkan stabilitocratic despot relies on what is portrayed as the public support of the European Union and its member states, as well as other external actors, to maintain his grip on power. This rule is reinforced by what appears to be a tacit agreement between the despot and certain European decisionmakers that as long as the former maintains the semblance of “stability” in his country, the latter would turn a blind eye to the increasing manifestation of authoritarianism. At the same time, both would seem comfortable with maintaining the illusion that accession negotiations remain steadily on track, even though there is no realistic end in sight to the process. The contours of this pact for “stability” are not normative, but rather circumstantial. At the height of the migration crisis, for instance, it was understood to mean doing what was asked to stem the flow of refugees from the Middle East transiting through the region on the way to Central and Western Europe. More recently, it has been assumed to require high-level engagement with regional foes or competitors in theatrical exercises that have the appearance of endeavoring to overcome various unresolved issues in the Balkans. One can trace the origins of what can be interpreted as a quid pro quo arrangement between Balkan stabilitocrats and European governments to what an August 2017 report published by the European Council on Foreign Relations characterized as the “trinity of economic uncertainty, cultural anxiety, and political alienation” that has been present throughout the EU for a number of years. One manifestation of this general feeling of malaise is the heightened skepticism of Europeans towards expanding the Union, as illustrated by the results of an October 2017 representative poll of Germans commissioned by the Körber-Stiftung, in which two-thirds of respondents voiced opposition to Balkan membership in the EU. It is thus safe to say that the void created by enlargement fatigue facilitated the emergence of stabilitocracy in the Balkans, although one could argue that it is also part of a broader decline of democracy in the world. Freedom House has noted in its 2018 Freedom in the World report that there has been twelve consecutive years of decline in global freedom, with setbacks being observed in political rights, civil liberties or both even in countries categorized as “free.” Nearly one quarter of the countries registering declines in the past few years have been in Europe. One of these was Serbia, whose democracy score fell to its lowest level since the restoration of democracy at the turn of the century. Similar assessments have been made with regards to other Balkan stabilitocratic despotisms. The case of Serbia, however, is particularly egregious. To quote from Freedom House’s 2018 flagship report: “In Serbia, EU leaders’ tolerance of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić’s authoritarian tendencies allowed him to further sideline the opposition and undermine what remains of the independent media after winning the country’s presidency in April.” The origins of these “tendencies” go back to 2012, the year he returned to power (he served as Slobodan Milošević’s information minister in the 1990s). For nearly six years, Vučić has held firmly in his despotic hands the destiny of the largest country in the Western Balkans: first as deputy prime minister, then as prime minister, and now as president. The nature of his despotic rule is such that whatever formal position he holds in the constitutional order at any given moment is trumped by the absolute control he exercises over state institutions through tight-knit, informal, and opaque networks. Such a denigration of the rule of law constitutes the very definition of abuse of power in a liberal democracy. Vučić continues to operate on the assumption that state institutions must not serve as barriers to the exercise of his will-to-power whilst brutally manipulating public opinion in favor of his own selfish interests. Indeed, his despotic ability to impede the access of citizens to the free flow of information represents the core of his stabilitocratic “achievement.” As Tocqueville wrote: “servitude cannot be complete if the press is free. The press is the democratic instrument of freedom par excellence.” In Serbia, that instrument has been almost fully broken: virtually every major media outlet has surrendered its objectivity and independence to Vučić’s demands of fealty and subservience—becoming, in the process, clear-cut instruments of propaganda and manipulation. As the newly released Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index underscores, the nation’s media is “heavily controlled by the government,” which takes an “uncompromisingly hostile approach to [the few remaining] news organizations that have been more outspoken against the government.” Indeed, a few months ago the President of the European Federation of Journalists, Mogens Blicher Bjerregard, designated Vučić’s Serbia as “the nation with the worst violations of media freedom in the Balkans.” A cult of personality is on offer, with the bias of the state-owned public broadcaster’s flagship nightly news program being surpassed only by that of the country’s most-watched private television networks. The time and quality of coverage devoted to Vučić dramatically surpasses that of anyone else. On the mainstream networks and daily newspapers, disapproval of his regime is virtually non-existent, and the popular political programs on television—those that have not been taken off the air, that is—rarely, if ever, feature critical views or contrary opinions. Nonpolitical programming largely takes the form of a variety of obnoxious reality shows whose content Tocqueville, for one, would comfortably describe as advancing the ultimate goal of soft despotism: “to take away entirely the trouble of thinking” from individuals by fostering “general apathy.” These spectacles, which draw sky-high ratings, encourage viewers to live entirely in the present—devoid of hope for a better future. And because what they watch is at once both astoundingly vulgar and vapid, the subliminal message is that they should feel content in their circumstances. It’s what passes for catharsis in a society weighed down by resignation. About a year ago, the Center for International Relations and Sustainable Development, a think-tank I helped establish in late 2013, added a question to the monthly public opinion surveys we commission: “would you encourage your child (or children) to emigrate from Serbia if such an opportunity presented itself?” At no time have fewer than 50.8 percent of respondents answered “yes”—on one occasion 61.8 percent gave an affirmative reply. Such alarming numbers have been ignored by the mainstream media; the same goes for figures indicating tens of thousands of educated young people have left the country annually since Vučić won his first election. It is also not at all surprising that the country’s dismal economic performance has not been widely discussed. Vučić came to power promising at least 5 percent annual growth; and a lot of his backers and supporters, both at home and abroad, seemed to think it was an eminently reachable target. It turns out that they were dead wrong, for as Zimbabwe’s former finance minister Tendai Biti said a couple of months ago, “you can rig elections but you can’t rig the economy.” IMF and World Bank statistics for the relevant timeframe indicate that Serbia’s GDP and GDP per capita have declined, as have wages; interest payments on the country’s external debt have nearly doubled, as has the public debt; the debt-to-GDP ratio has also grown significantly. Also, Eurostat data indicates that Serbia is the country with the most extreme income inequality in Europe. And despite offering generous subsidies and emphasizing low labor costs, Vučić has not been able to attract much FDI over the past five years. The precipitous erosion of Serbia’s economic performance is even more deplorable when compared to virtually any other place in the Balkans: in the last five years, Albania, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Romania all grew at higher rates. The World Bank projects that the Serbian economy will continue to grow less than the regional average in 2018 and 2019, widening the performance gap even further. These facts make a mockery of the regime’s claim that Serbia had become the economic leader of the Balkans.

Another shocking development that made global headlines was the late February 2018 announcement by the Financial Action Task Force—the global standard setting body for anti-money laundering and combating the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT)—that Serbia was the only European country to have been added to a list of only eight other jurisdictions, including Syria and Yemen, identified as having “strategic deficiencies” in their respective AML/CFT regimes. This is currently the international community’s most condemnatory designation of noncompliance in what is without a doubt a critically important field of contemporary multilateral cooperation. In the case of Serbia, the uncovered “strategic deficiencies” are truly alarming. They include a lack of institutional understanding of key risks; the absence of legal and regulatory provisions to supervise the work of lawyers, notaries, and casinos; inadequate implementation of international financial and banking norms regarding due diligence, politically-exposed persons, and wire transfers; the nonexistence of mechanisms to identify corporate beneficial ownership; lax money laundering investigatory and prosecutorial standards; and no implementation of targeted financial sanctions measures related to terrorist and proliferation financing. At the very least, this very public indictment means that the country’s stabilitocratic despotism is grossly negligent in having failed to apply over a period of several years even the most rudimentary international AML/CFT safeguards. But that is far from the whole story, for it could also imply serious criminal complicity: the acts described are not those of mere omission, but of commission as well. If such is the case—and I believe it is—then one must conclude that the regime benefits from being one of the world’s most attractive AML/CFT destinations. It would certainly help explain why the level of corruption in Serbia has reached endemic proportions. As such, it strongly points to the necessity of ensuring that a lustration law will need to be part of the legislative package that is enacted in the immediate aftermath of Vučić’s downfall. To this point, Vučić’s sophisticated propaganda machine—which grows more effective and censorious the longer it is allowed to operate with impunity—has been able to ensure that he maintains his stranglehold on the levers of power. Other Balkan strongmen have had similar “success.” So far, only in Macedonia have we seen popular discontent produce a democratic restoration. The good news coming out of Skopje has also not gone unnoticed in Europe’s highest decision-making circles. Zaev’s recent democratic triumph may have even served as a long overdue catalyst for the EU’s tolerance for stabilitocratic despotism in the Balkans to reach an inflection point. Consider what may turn out to be a game-changing report by the European Commission titled A Credible Enlargement Perspective for and Enhanced EU Engagement with the Western Balkans. The mere fact that it underscored the “firm, merit-based prospect of EU membership for the Western Balkans” and stressed that “joining the EU is far more than a technical process; it is a generational choice, based on fundamental values” may represent the beginning of the EU’s change of heart vis-à-vis stabilitocracy. But other parts of the communication have gone even further: for the first time in a publicly released document, the EU painted a realistic picture of the dismal state of democracy in the region. The passage that follows could be considered a repudiation of the lenience heretofore accorded to the region’s democratic despots: “Today, the countries [of the Balkans] show clear elements of state capture, including links with organized crime and corruption at all levels of government and administration, as well as a strong entanglement of public and private interests. All this feeds a sentiment of impunity and inequality. There is also extensive political interference in and control of the media. A visibly empowered and independent judiciary and accountable governments and administrations are essential for bringing about the lasting societal change that is needed.” For those of us who have opposed the region’s stabilitocratic despots and fought to dismantle the immense tutelary power at their disposal, the EU communication reads like a small breath of fresh air, opening the way for a truly stable and prosperous Western Balkans to become an eminently reachable goal in this generation.

Vuk Jeremić, a former Serbian foreign minister and President of the sixty-seventh session of the UN General Assembly, is the President of Serbia’s opposition centrist People’s Party. He is also President of the Belgrade-based think-tank, the Center for International Relations and Sustainable Development (CIRSD). An earlier version of this essay was prepared for delivery at a roundtable entitled “Tackling Extremism and Intolerance in a Diverse Society” organized by the European Council on Tolerance and Reconciliation in Monaco on 5–7 March 2018.