LOCAL PRESS
Mihajlovic: Kosovo further from independence than in 2008 (RTS)
Radio Belgrade Director Milivoje Mihajlovic has told the morning news of Radio and Television of Serbia that Kosovo is further from independence than what is was eight years ago when it declared independence unilaterally. He says that Kosovo is at Europe’s bottom with 50 percent unemployment, nearly non-existent exports, while around 150,000 people had left Kosovo. The Kosovo authorities wasted time by distracting topics from economic to instigating discontent against the Serbs. He says Kosovo is a protectorate, where religious extremism is flourishing, which is also pointed out by EU officials. Mihajlovic agrees with some analysis that the number of states that would support independence would be twice lower than in 2008. “On this flywheel, launched by the US and powerful European states, Kosovo was recognized by 50-60 countries, while this recognition was bought by small states later on,” says Mihajlovic. According to him, Kosovo cannot join EU processes, since the authorities there do not support regional stability. Mihajlovic opines that the public there would not be satisfied even with receiving a visa-free regime, illustrating his stand with the words of analyst Veton Suroi that the only good thing that was done in Kosovo is the passing of the decision in the Kosovo Assembly on establishing the special court for the KLA. “All these street rallies are directed against this court, since it is certain that high Kosovo officials will be suspects of this court. Their functions cannot amnesty them from crimes, while many powerful people in Kosovo are included in the Balkan drug route,” notes Mihajlovic. He points out that the position of the Serbs in Kosovo will not be weaker while it has Belgrade’s support whose reputation in the world is becoming stronger. He thinks that the current political crisis in Kosovo will end in early elections.
Djuric: Serbs will not be expelled from Kosovo and Metohija (Tanjug)
Serbia and the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija will not be abolished, suppressed, expelled and they will not disappear, the Head of the Office for Kosovo and Metohija Marko Djuric said while opening the meeting with the Kosovo Serb representatives aimed at achieving support to the Raska-Prizren Eparchy Fund. Djuric points out that the goal of the meeting is to agree on how to finance most efficiently the work of the Raska-Prizren Eparchy and church, which has been the pillar of support over the past 16 years. The Raksa-Prizren Bishop Teodosije has stated at the meeting that they need to consider the current situation in which the Serbs live, but at the same time to find the best way and means so Serbs could survive and improve living conditions. “We are facing big obligations and the responsibility to do everything possible to achieve this goal,” said Teodosije and called all Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija to set aside means for the fund, as much as they can. He points out that the means from the fund will not be used for ongoing needs, but for joint priorities of general interest, important for all Serbs who live in Kosovo and Metohija. The meeting was also attended by Serb MPs, government members and mayors of the provisional institutions in Pristina, as well as heads of administrative districts and presidents of provisional municipalities in Kosovo and Metohija.
Selakovic: Serbia to find most comprehensive solution (RTS)
Serbian Justice Minister Nikola Selakovic has told Radio and Television of Serbia (RTS) that Serbia will find the most comprehensive solution in regard to the ICTY request for the extradition of the SRS leader Vojislav Seselj. Commenting the reports of certain media that the government will request the ICTY to postpone Seselj’s extradition for the period after the elections, he points out that he always laughs at them. “I think it is inappropriate for me to take a stand on this. This is a situation where I said that we will look for, and find, the most comprehensive solution at this difficult political moment,” said Selakovic. “If the issue was only legal, we would easily have an answer. This is an issue that is not only legal, we have here a problem within the ICTY, among people who are trying in every possible way to stay and survive even after 2016,” said Selakovic.
Stefanovic: Unified migrant registration system required (Beta)
Serbian Interior Minister Nebojsa Stefanovic said that it was necessary to set up a single registration system along the migration route, so that the migrants no longer needed to register in each state they might be passing through, the Interior Ministry quoted Stefanovic as having said. Together with Minister of Labor Aleksandar Vulin, the Norwegian ambassador to Serbia, Arne Sanes Bjornstad, and UNHCR representatives, the Interior Minister visited renovated facilities in Presevo, the reconstruction of which was supported by the Kingdom of Norway. Minister Stefanovic insisted that an integral approach was the only way to resolve the migrant crisis, and that neither Serbia nor any other country could do it alone.
Bomb attack in Podujevo, a shadow over Kosovo (RTS, by Rade Maroevic)
Even 15 years after the bomb attack on the Nis-ekspres bus near Podujevo, when 12 Serbs were killed and 43 wounded, no one was convicted for this attack. RTS portal had insight into a series of confidential documents of the UNMIK police and talked with two members of international security forces who were involved in the investigation into the bomb attack in Podujevo. Based on these documents and the testimonies of police officers, we are reconstructing the gravest attack on the Kosovo Serbs since the end of the war in 1999. According to these documents, KFOR and UNMIK knew in advance that a “nine-member terrorist cell” was preparing an attack on buses transporting Serbs, while it remains unclear why EULEX judges decided to reject evidence based on which Florim Ejupi was sentenced to 40 years in prison. On 16 February 2001, two men were sitting on a hill near the Livadice village and waiting for the convoy of Serb buses to pass. The bomb, made of nearly 100 kg of explosive, was hidden in a drainage pipe under the road. Right before the bus passed, they stretched a wire up to the tree trunk that was located above the road, lighted cigarettes and waited. At the signal of a third member of that group, they tied the wires to the battery and activated the bomb at the moment when the bus was right above the drainage pipe. The explosion blew up the bus and threw it some 15 meters from the where the bomb was located, read UNMIK documents written immediately after the attack. In a general rush of panic, which gripped international missions in Kosovo following the explosion, the victims were transferred with helicopters to morgues and hospitals, while in the forensic part of the investigation, which followed right afterwards, cigarette butts were found at the location where the bomb was activated. Shortly thereafter, reads UNMIK’s report, there was an order to fill in the crater that was created after the explosion – so traffic would function normally. Investigators claim that this way the evidence was destroyed. KFOR officers issued the order to fill in the crater. Still, not long afterwards, it was discovered that the DNA found on several cigarette butts at the location where the bomb was activated, corresponds with the DNA linked to a murder case in Germany in 1977, in which Florim Ejupi was a suspect. During the trial for the bomb attack near Podujevo, protected witness “Alfa” said Ejupi confided that he personally activated the explosive. The search for Ejupi lasted over a year, and according to KFOR documents, nearly 3,000 British and Norwegian soldiers took part in the arrest operation, including SAS special forces. A total of 27 Kosovo Albanians were arrested, four of whom were detained. Shortly thereafter, three were released, but Florim Ejupi, at the time an active officer of the Kosovo Protection Corps, was detained in Pristina. Josuf Veliu and Avdi Behluli were released, while according to investigation documents, Ejupi talked on the phone with one of them by phone shortly before the attack. “Following the arrest of Florim Ejupi,
none of the investigators of the UNMIK police were allowed to approach him while he was in custody in Pristina. The ban arrived directly from the leadership (UN Mission). “Right after I learned this, I saw an US helicopter taking off,” a high official of the UNMIK police, who wanted to remain anonymous, told RTS portal. Officially, KFOR and representatives of the US contingent in Kosovo have never confirmed that Ejupi was transferred to Bondsteel, and the entire case has enormously complicated the already complex relations between the UNMIK police and KFOR, which weren’t exchanging intelligence data for various reasons. To make matters more complicated, the bomb attack near Podujevo could have been prevented without major problems, since the British had received, some time before the explosion, intelligence data
on the date and number of people who took part in the planning. A confidential report that emerged during the investigation into the attack near Podujevo reads that a series of factors influenced the course of events, so the soldiers who were supposed to secure the road didn’t manage to check the part where the attack occurred. “Two men” who monitored the road from a hill “drew” the attention of the soldiers, but they didn’t manage to stop the convoy since their radio-station broke, reads KFOR’s report. However, UNMIK’s confidential report states that a “nine-member terrorist cell” is responsible for the attack, and that it conducted the operation near Podujevo in order to “intimidate the Serb population in Kosovo”. Shortly after being transferred to Bondsteel, Ejupi managed to escape by cutting the wire with scissors brought to him by his family in food. The escape was not much of a surprise for the US forces within KFOR, so, following the investigation, the detention units in Bondsteel were reinforced with additional wire and guard towers. His escape turned out to be “convenient” for KFOR and UNMIK leaders, who were “stopping” investigations, even before this case, against a series of former KLA leaders, including Sami Lustaku and Sabit Geci. At the intervention of UNMIK and KFOR leaders, some 20 KLA members were released in the first two years of the mandate of international missions in Kosovo, of whom at least one was on Interpol’s warrant. Finally, Ejupi was arrested in June 2004 in Tirana, together with Faik Shaciri and Xhevat Kosumi and handed over to UNMIK. At the trial that followed, he was sentenced to 40 years in prison, but the appeal chamber acquitted him due to lack of evidence. Florim Ejupi was once again arrested in 2014, this time for the murder of two people, a member of the Kosovo police and an UNMIK official in 2004. Ejupi and two alleged associates were soon released from prison, while in the meantime, a package was left in front of the door of witness Shkumbin Mehmeti, which, according to a report of the EULEX police, contained a bomb, mask and baby pacifier.
REGIONAL PRESS
Attacks on Serb property aimed at preventing returns (Srna)
The property of several Serb returnees in Vozuca, the federal municipality of Zavidovici, is again targeted by the robbers. President of the Regional Association of the Zavidovici People headquartered in Doboj, Zoran Blagojevic, states that every attempt done by this association to discuss the Serb returnees related issues with the cantonal authorities has failed. “We, people of the Association, experience this as a continuation of political pressure to intimidate both the returnees and those intending to return in order to prevent the returns,” Blagojevic told Srna. In the village of Predrazi, the houses of Serb returnees have been broken into repeatedly six times. Vozuca, in the municipality of Zavidovici, is one of the largest execution sites for Serbs on Mt. Ozren, where 1,920 families, respectively 7,860 persons, were displaced from. The mass suffering of the people from Vozuca during the 90’s war occurred on September 10-24, 1995, as a result of the offensive of the Second and Third Corps of the so-called B&H Army, NATO rapid intervention forces and the “El Mujahid” unit.
Dodik: We have not given up on referendum (Klix)
President of the SNSD Milorad Dodik said that the coalition partners SNSD, DNS and SP have not given up on the referendum on the B&H Court and the Prosecutor’s Office, but they are waiting for the support of the opposition to do it. “We are waiting for them to become Serbs and patriots, to confirm it together with us and go to a referendum,” said Dodik to reporters in Banja Luka. He emphasized that it is not true that they gave up on the referendum, as member of the Presidency of B&H from RS Mladen Ivanic said. “We are waiting for them to be part of the support for something that is a basic problem of B&H, and that is the Court and the Prosecution of B&H. They see it as a way to deal with us,” emphasized Dodik. He emphasized that he is very satisfied with relationships in the ruling coalition, and repeated that the position of director in the company “Elektrodistribucija” Pale belongs to DNS and that the party did not conditioned the approval of the budget of the RS with that issue. “It is time for this process to be finally completed. All of those who are trying to speculate on this issue and to disable the resolution of it, are wrong and cannot have our support,” concluded Dodik.
Dodik – Ivantsov: Coordination mechanism adopted without the consent of the RS government and cannot be recognized (Srna)
The RS President Milorad Dodik told the Russian Ambassador to B&H Petr Ivantsov that the Coordination mechanism had been adopted without the consent of the RS government and that it could not be recognized. The RS parliament speaker Nedeljko Cubrilovic stated in a meeting with Russian Ambassador Petr Ivantsov that representatives of political parties with seats in the RS need to reach a consensus about the key issues that are of interest to the citizens.
Pandurevic: RS government was duly informed of the adoption of coordination mechanism (Fena)
The Serb Democratic Party (SDS) MP in the House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina Aleksanda Pandurevic with an official written memo explained to the press that the government of RS has been duly informed about the adoption process for the coordination mechanism, but did not receive back any objections.
Djonlagic: Dautbasic remains SBB’s minister candidate (Fena)
The Vice President of the Alliance for a Better Future (SBB) and an MP of the party in the House of Representatives of the B&H Parliamentary Assembly Mirsad Djonlagic confirmed today that the party does not give up on its proposal for the appointment of Bakir Dautbasic as the state Minister of Communications and Transport, despite of his arrest and ongoing court proceedings against him.
US Embassy: Ivan Susnjar is not and will not be General Consul in Chicago (Patria/Dnevni avaz)
Ivan Susnjar is not and will not be General Consul in Chicago, confirmed the Public Relations Office of the US Embassy for Patria. At a recommendation by Dragan Covic, the B&H Presidency appointed Susnjar to the position of General Consul in summer 2015, yet the appointment has never been confirmed. Susnjar came into the limelight after, as the appointed but not confirmed consul, he had presented opinions on the margins of the National Prayer Breakfast in Washington D.C., which were related to the judiciary processes in B&H. During his stay in Washington, Susnjar met a few senators. His statements about those meetings were cited in B&H media outlets Vecernji List and Avaz. Despite Susnjar’s statements that he came to Washington as newly appointed not-yet-confirmed consul, it has become clear now that he will be able to stay in the US as a private person only. B&H Foreign Ministry confirmed for Patria that all that Susnjar had said in Washington, he had said as a private person and that he has never received an orientation which is a regular procedure for diplomats. According to Dnevni avaz, Susnjar attended very important meetings with foreign diplomats. In the same article, Avaz reported that the US Senator Jim Inhoff organized a Round Table during the National Prayer Breakfast about growing terrorism threat in the Balkans. Also present at the Round Table were Congressmen David Jolly and Robert Aderholt, Senator John McCain, the former Republican candidate for the US President, and the Senator of South Dakota Mike Rounds. The Conference was facilitated by Fatmir Mediu, the former Albanian Defense Minister, and besides him, speakers were politicians from Bulgaria, Serbia, Montenegro, Austria, Turkey and the Defense Minister of Macedonia Zoran Jelevski. Dnevni avaz reported that the only participant from B&H was Ivan Susnjar, as newly appointed general consul of B&H to Chicago. According to Dnevni avaz, also invited to the Round Table were Dragan Lukac, the RS Minister of Interior, who did not attend due to health issues, as well as Fahrudin Radoncic, who in the meantime got arrested. The newspaper further writes that congressmen and senators were interested to hear about the presence and growth of the domestic radical groups in the Balkans itself, the estimates about numbers of such groups and individuals, as well as possible causes for growth of terrorism in the Balkans states. They wanted to know what local governments are doing in terms of locating and repressing such issues, and about the interstate cooperation. B&H was not talked about that much. It is only that the representative of Kosovo mentioned how Kosovo and B&H are ahead in terms of number of located radicals – said Susnjar for Vecernji List, which Avaz cited in their article. Avaz further reports that Susnjar had the honor to meet senator McCain and that he used the opportunity to inform him how indicative it is that Radoncic, as one of few politicians who publicly warned about spreading of radical Islam, was arrested just before his travel to the US to attend the conference. Last summer, non-governmental organizations organized signing of public petition requesting withdrawal of Susnjar’s name from the list of general consuls of B&H. The petition was signed by Senad Pecanin, Slavo Kukic, Jasmila Zbanic, fra Mile Babic, Ahmed Buric, fra Petar Jelec, Zlatko Dizdarevic and other public figures from B&H. Notwithstanding the petition, the Presidency did not withdraw its decision.
Ratification of NATO will take a year (RTCG/Pobjeda)
Montenegro’s membership in NATO will contribute to the strengthening of bilateral cooperation and mutual trust with Croatia which will help create a positive atmosphere for the resolution of all outstanding issues, said the Croatian Ambassador to NATO Boris Grigic. Permanent Representative of Croatia at the headquarters of the Alliance assessed in an interview for Pobjeda that accession negotiations with Montenegro could take several months, while the parliaments of the Member States could ratify the entry of our country into NATO in a year. He also said that Montenegro has achieved great progress in reforms. “Since joining the Membership Action Plan (MAP) in December 2009 to date, Montenegro has made great progress in all areas that are important for NATO, from building of democratic institutions, judicial reform, intelligence reform, the fight against corruption, to the reform of defense sector. It is a very rapid advance that all relevant institutions in Montenegro deserve recognition for,” he said. Based on experience from previous rounds of enlargement of the alliance, he added that the process of negotiations for membership in NATO should last a few months. “In this respect there is an essential difference in relation to the accession negotiations with the EU. After the accession negotiations are completed, conditions will be created for 28 member states to sign the Protocol on NATO Enlargement to Montenegro. It will then be followed by the ratification procedure in the 28 member states of the alliance, which could take about a year,” said Grigic. He added that, given the previously expressed determination of Montenegro to become a member of NATO and the efforts invested, he believed that on everything will be done from Montenegrin side to complete negotiations as planned. He responded to the question of whether the accession of Montenegro to NATO could change relations with Croatian regarding unresolved territorial issues. “I think that relations of the two countries will gain more quality with the accession of Montenegro to NATO. I believe that Montenegro’s membership will contribute to further strengthening of bilateral cooperation and mutual trust, which will help create a positive atmosphere for the resolution of all issues,” concludes Grigic.
EP Rapporteur Ivo Vajgl urges for full implementation of Przino Agreement (MIA)
Macedonia is at a ‘political crossroad’, European Parliament rapporteur Ivo Vajgl says, urging it to successfully conduct the early parliamentary election, set for April 24 under the Przino Agreement. “The fact that Macedonia is at the crossroad once again has been notified at the European Parliament. A final decision on the election date should be made in the next few days. But this date 24 April is already part of the Przino Agreement, which should be fully implemented. It means serious, in-depth reforms in various spheres, and as a start the State Election Commission must certify that there are conditions for the election process to be transparent, democratic and in compliance with the high standards EU candidate countries should meet,” Vajgl told MIA on Tuesday, after the EP debate on a draft resolution on Macedonia. In this respect he also underlined the need of media reforms. The media must act responsibly, play a balanced role in a democratic process in which all participants enjoy equal rights, Vajgl said. He pointed out that the debate on EP draft resolution for Macedonia demonstrated MEPs interest in Macedonia’s progress on its road to joining the EuroAtlantic organizations. Implementing of all articles of the Przino Agreement is a precondition for opening of Macedonia’s EU accession talks, and this is a position of both the European Commission and Parliament. Hence the Przino Agreement is the foundation Macedonia’s European perspective is based on, he added. The European Parliament, he said, appreciates Macedonia’s role in the refugee crisis. “MEPs in particularly notify the efforts Macedonian Government has been investing in good neighborly relations, especially with Greece and Bulgaria. New confidence is being built here and I believe it is vital for settling bilateral matters, above all the name issue, which in the past was an obstacle to Macedonia’s progress,” Vajgl said.
Hahn: Elections depend on report by State Election Commission, international institutions (Telegraf.mk/MIA)
Maja Kocijancic, spokesperson for Enlargement Commissioner Johannes Hahn, says that it is uncertain when the commissioner will visit Skopje again, or whether it is possible for the four political leaders to go to Brussels for a meeting. “For now, we are unable to confirm anything. The Commissioner is in contact with all political actors on a continuous basis,” Kocijancic stated for Telegraph.mk. Previously, in a statement for MIA.mk, Hahn refused to disclose when his visit to Macedonia will be, but he confirmed that the early parliamentary elections scheduled for April 24 will depend on the assessment from OSCE/ODIHR and the State Election Commission in regards to whether election conditions have been met. “The June/July Agreement was made last year, and holding early elections was part of the deal. But, I cannot give you an answer at the moment. It depends on the report from the international institutions and the State Election Commission. Whereupon, they need to make a decision,” Hahn pointed out. On January 28, the US and EU Ambassadors Jess Baily and Aivo Orav, announced that by February 20th they will give an assessment on whether election requirements have been met for holding credible elections on April 24. They demanded for the State Election Commission to begin with the Electoral roll revision and an agreement on media reforms to be reached.
INTERNATIONAL PRESS
Why Serbia is Strengthening its Alliance with Russia (AP, 15 February 2016)
On January 11, 2016, Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister, Dmitri Rogozin announced Moscow’s intention to arm Serbia with sophisticated weaponry, including S-300 surface-to-air missiles. Belgrade’s decision to deepen military cooperation with Russia caused controversy in Brussels, as Serbia in recent months has taken tangible steps towards accession to the European Union.
Serbian president Tomislav Nikolic has insisted that Serbia’s strengthened alliance with Russia will not compromise its EU membership aspirations. But difficulties in balancing relations between the increasingly hostile European and Russian blocs, and long-standing tensions over Kosovo’s status are significant roadblocks to eventual Serbian EU membership. Serbia’s contradictory foreign policy strategy of simultaneously expanding linkages with Russia and the EU can be explained by two main factors. First, Serbia’s views on state sovereignty align more closely with Russian perspectives than the Western consensus. This normative synergy caused Belgrade to implicitly support Russian conduct towards Ukraine and Turkey. Second, Russia, to combat its international isolation and to partially offset the breakdown of relations with Turkey, is offering Serbia the opportunity to bolster its economic and military development, without the conditions typically imposed by Western economic institutions.
Serbia and Russia: Normative Partners on State Sovereignty
Since the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s, Serbia has defied the Western consensus on state sovereignty, by arguing that Kosovo is an “integral” part of its territory. This contrasts with the 23/28 EU member states and 24/28 NATO members who have recognized it as an independent country. Russia has consistently supported Serbia’s position on Kosovo. In 2008, Vladimir Putin warned that the legitimization of Kosovo’s declaration of independence would destabilize the international system. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov described unrest in Tibet, and Albanian autonomy demands in Macedonia as pernicious consequences of Kosovo’s de facto secession from Serbia. The Kremlin’s view that the EU was violating international law and Serbian sovereignty over Kosovo, and placing ethnic Serbian enclaves at risk of violence, consolidated the long-standing Russia-Serbia partnership. The 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea gave Serbia an opportunity to reward Russia for its resolute support for Belgrade’s position on Kosovo. Initially, however, Serbia’s position appeared unclear. Immediately after the annexation, Serbian Prime Minister Alexander Vucic emphasized his country’s support for the territorial integrity of Ukraine. This solidarity built on the deep cultural, economic and humanitarian partnership between Serbia and Ukraine, that was highlighted by former Ukrainian president Viktor Yushchenko’s 2009 statement supporting Serbia’s WTO membership aspirations. Vucic’s statement matched Viktor Yanukovych’s 2010 opposition to Kosovo’s independence, to uphold international law and avoid an Abkhazia-style frozen conflict in the Balkans. But Serbia’s refusal to impose sanctions on Russia and right-wing political leaders’ open support for Crimea’s re-incorporation with Russia diluted the credibility of Vucic’s commitment. Belgrade has provided informal military assistance to pro-Russian separatists in Donbas, with Serbian paramilitaries fighting openly in Donetsk. Many European policymakers believe that Serbia regards Crimea’s union with Ukraine after 1991 to be an illegal action analogous to Kosovo’s unilateral secession. As Russia is a vital international partner supporting Serbia’s position on state sovereignty, Serbia pledged its unerring loyalty to Moscow to reaffirm its historic alliance, even though this pact could greatly complicate its EU accession. More recently, Serbia expressed rhetorical solidarity with Russia after Turkey’s November 2015 shoot-down of a Russian Sukhoi Su-24 plane that was allegedly flying over Turkish airspace. President Nikolic blamed the incident on Turkey, claiming that the Turkish military had frequently violated the airspace of Greece and Syria with impunity, and questioned the credibility of Turkey’s commitment to counter-terrorism. Serbia subsequently sought to cool tensions with Turkey, by emphasizing the two countries’ economic partnership and by offering mediation assistance in the Turkey-Russia dispute. But these diplomatic overtures obscure the shared suspicion of NATO military activities between Belgrade and Moscow, which revealed itself in Nikolic’s condemnation of Turkish actions. The distrust engendered by NATO’s bombing of Serbian territory during the 1999 Kosovo War partially explains Nikolic’s unwillingness to accept NATO’s argument that Turkey had a legitimate right to self-defense against Russia, and has caused Serbia to view Russia as a more trustworthy military partner.
The Economic Foundations of Serbia’s Partnership with Russia
Since the imposition of Western sanctions against Russia in 2014, the Kremlin has tightened its economic linkages with Serbia. Serbia remains heavily dependent on Russian energy exports, as 80% of its gas imports come from Russia. Russia has exploited this dependency by charging Serbia $340 per thousand cubic meters of natural gas, a rate that is considerably higher than what Moscow charges Hungary and Ukraine. While Serbia has actively courted Western investment to improve its energy infrastructure, its lack of alternative short-term energy partners has forced it to accept Russia’s pricier exports. To offset Serbian qualms over Russia’s dominance of the Serbian gas market, Russia has invested considerably in Serbia’s economic diversification and development. This assistance became particularly important after February 2012, when the IMF temporarily suspended its loan deals with Serbia as retaliation for Belgrade’s refusal to comply with IMF targets. After Serbia’s IMF dispute, Russia expanded investment in Serbia’s infrastructure. Putin pledged the expansion of the South Stream pipeline in 2012 and offered to lend Serbia $800 million for a railway track between Belgrade and Pancevo. Russia’s provision of credit to Serbia during a period of tension with the Western economic establishment also extended to the heavy industry and defense sectors. Russia established a humanitarian center in Southern Serbia to facilitate Serbia’s purchase of Russian military equipment. The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) regarded these deals as steps towards making Serbia a Russian corner in Europe, akin to Cyprus. The Serbian state media’s coverage of investment flows has also benefited Russia’s image amongst the Serbian people. Substantially more attention given to Russian development aid relative to EU funds in the years after Slobodan Milosevic’s demise in 2000, caused 47% of Serbians to regard Russia as its main economic backer compared to 28% for the EU in 2014. This statistic was misrepresentation of reality, as the EU provided substantially more economic assistance to Serbia than Russia after the devastating spring 2014 floods. The Serbian public’s increased recognition of the value of the EU assistance over the course of 2015 could explain Russia’s recent expansion of ties with Belgrade. As Moscow finds itself increasingly isolated internationally, Putin wants to entrench the idea of a Russia-Serbia special relationship at a time when an increasing proportion of Serbians believe that European integration is the ideal way forward for their country. Russia’s strained relations with Turkey following the shoot-down crisis could also benefit the Serbian economy. The Russian state media fuelled speculation in January 2016 that Russian automobile exports to Turkey could be re-routed to Serbia. Russia could also expand trade with Serbia’s agriculture market to gain access to produce that Turkey has been banned from selling to Russian markets. As Serbia’s economy is still undergoing a recovery from a 2013-2015 recession that reduced its productivity by 10% , short-term Russian investment is very appealing for Serbian policymakers. In light of the economic benefits associated with Serbian trade with Russia and the compatibility of the two countries on sovereignty norms, it is unsurprising that Serbia is tightening its partnership with Russia simultaneously with its pursuit of EU accession. The crises in Ukraine and Turkey have tested the viability of Serbia’s foreign policy balancing act, and Belgrade’s refusal to commit to one side during a period of hostile EU-Russia relations leaves its economic prospects hanging in the balance.
Bosnia Split Over EU Membership Application (BIRN, by Danijel Kovacevic, Rodolfo Toe, 16 February 2016)
Bosnia and Herzegovina’s ruling parties said the country’s EU application was a positive step for the future, but Bosnian Serb political leaders didn’t share their enthusiasm.
Bosnia’s application to become a member of the European Union, submitted in Brussels on Monday by the Croat member of the country’s tripartite presidency, Dragan Covic, drew mixed reactions back at home. Ruling parties at the national level applauded the move as a step forward but the leadership in Republika Srpska, the Serb-dominated entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, was skeptical. “The EU application is a step which brings some internal optimism to Bosnia and Herzegovina,” Aleksandra Pandurevic, a Serb Democratic Party (SDS) member of the House of Representatives in the national parliament, said on Monday. “This must represent an incentive for all of us, because the most important part of the job lies ahead of us,” she added, although she also said she was worried that “Bosnia and Herzegovina won’t have enough specialist professionals” to fulfil the task. The Alliance for a Better Future (SBBBiH) which is one of the ruling coalition members at the national level with the SDS, the Party of Democratic Action (SDA) and the Croat Democratic Union (HDZBiH), said that “this is an historic day for our country”. “This is the result… of the engagement and the work of the reforming coalition,” the SBBBiH said in a statement. HDZBiH member Borjana Kristo also welcomed the move. “This is a great day and a great news for all the people in Bosnia and Herzegovina,” Kristo said on Monday. The High Representative Valentin Inzko, the country’s top international overseer, also congratulated the country for submitting its application. “Although you have always been Europeans, you have made today an important step towards the day when you’ll become equal citizens inside the EU with another 500 million of your fellow citizens,” Inzko said in a statement. But the reaction in Republika Srpska was lukewarm, with many politicians reiterating their accusations that the state-level Council of Ministers allegedly adopted a crucial legal mechanism for coordinating the country’s EU integration process last month without consulting the entity. Republika Srpska President Milorad Dodik recognised that the application was good for Bosnia and Herzegovina but criticised the adoption of the coordination mechanism. “Republika Srpska will not accept the recently adopted system of coordination for European Integration, which was adopted without our consent,” Dodik told local news agency Srna. Rajko Vasic, a member of the central committee of Dodik’s Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD), told local media on Monday that the EU application could easily fail. “This system of coordination for EU integration, together with this unwanted application for membership, can easy end up like all the others failed projects that Brussels tried to implement in Bosnia,” Vasic told local media. “We should be realistic when it comes to this application – Brussels sees Bosnia as some unwanted baby, rather than as a beloved poor cousin coming from the country,” he added. Vlade Simovic, a political analyst from Banja Luka, also warned that the application might be rushed. “If our politicians were responsible, they would have first tried to strengthen the country, both economically and politically before submitting this application – so they could talk to the EU as partners, not as beggars,” Simovic told BIRN. Some locals in Banja Luka also reacted indifferently to the news of Bosnia’s application. “This is not good nor bad,” said a man who gave his name as Goran B., a waiter in the main Bosnian Serb city. “I don’t think anything will change, at least not for me. We are still too far from Europe,” he added. “Will my pension be bigger? No, it won’t,” said Svetozar, a 71-year-old pensioner. “Sure, maybe this will mean something for my grandchildren, and I don’t want to be a pessimist, so overall I think it was a positive step,” he added. Younger people in Banja Luka were also optimistic. “This is a good thing for both RS and Bosnia and Herzegovina, it will make us closer to the EU,” Dragana, 21, a student at the University of Banja Luka, told BIRN. Her opinion was echoed by another student, Almir, 19, who said he hoped the application “will speed up our integration process a little bit”. “However, I am not sure that our country is ready for this,” he added.
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Media summaries are produced for the internal use of the United Nations Office in Belgrade, UNMIK and UNHQ. The contents do not represent anything other than a selection of articles likely to be of interest to a United Nations readership.
